[N.B. a revised version of this paper appeared in: Christianity in South Africa,
edited by Richard Elphick and Rodney Davenport, Cape Town. David Philip, 1997]

At the beginning of the nineteenth century Europeans living in what became known as the Cape Colony saw the interior of Southern Africa as a vast, uncharted expanse. This area stretched from the Orange River to the Limpopo River, from the boundaries of the Cape, and what after 1884 became German Southwest Africa,[1] to the Drakensberg and Natal. The region, known initially as Transorangia to the white settlers at the Cape, was inhabited by various African peoples, including the Sotho, Tswana, Venda, Pedi, Ndebele, and occasional Swazi or Zulu. Some of these African communities were settled others were in a state of constant flux. Many seem to have experienced intermittent warfare and, between 1822 and 1836, catastrophic incursions by invading Nguni warriors.[2]

      Superficially the African people of Southern Africa appear alike. Therefore, it is very easy for writers to assume that missionaries and other Europeans entering the interior of Southern Africa encountered a common African culture with essentially the same religious beliefs.[3] Closer observation, however, reveals considerable differences between various groups. Most obviously several different language groups such as Tswana, Sotho, Venda and the various Nguni languages, gave different peoples distinct identities.[4]
      The pattern of habitation adopted by various groups was also a clear mark of differences. In general the Nguni, Xhosa, Zulu and Swazi, and Tsonga lived in individual homesteads or, in the case of the Zulu, military towns based on regimental organizations.[5] Small villages comprising of several homesteads was characteristic of the Sotho, Venda, and smaller Tswana settlements. The majority of Tswana, however, lived in populated areas which are best described as towns.[6]
      The Nguni built beehive-shaped, round, thatched huts. All the other groups built huts with cylindrical walls completed by a pointed thatched roof. Despite similarities the walls of Sotho and Tswana huts were quite different. Sotho huts consisted of one clay and wattle wall about five feet high. The roof over hung the wall to form a verandah and was supported by an outer ring of poles. Tswana huts in contrast employed two concentric walls of either clay or stone creating two circular chambers. The inner chamber was the living area whilst the outer one was used for storage.[7]
      Most groups used wicker doors except for the Venda and Lobedu who made wooden doors. The Tswana slept on animal skins. All the other groups used sedge sleeping mats. All groups used head rests for sleeping but only the Tswana made extensive  use of stools before the arrival of Europeans.[8]
      While all groups engaged in hunting, agriculture and herding techniques and implements varied considerably. For example the Sotho, Tswana and Tsonga cleared the ground, hoed and then sowed their corn. The Nguni, however, sowed first and then hoed the land. Traditionally only the Tsonga and some coastal Mpondo ate fish.[9]
      Clothing differed greatly among all groups. Traditionally only Nguni women covered their breasts and then only after marriage. Normally men wore very little, if anything. Nguni, but not Sotho or Venda, men usually wore a penis-sheath. Triangular aprons were often worn by Sotho and Venda men. Sandles were rarely worn except on long journeys and most groups other than the South Sotho left their heads uncovered.[10]
      Kinship systems also differed to a remarkable degree. All the societies of the region were patrilineal. The Nguni traced relationships through clans while the Sotho utilized a system of totems. Among the Nguni there was little contact with relatives on the mother's side while among the Sotho such contact was common. All groups practiced polygyny which allowed men to take more than one wife and a form of marriage based on bridewealth. Thus marriages were contracted through the exchange of goods, usually cattle.[11]
      The role, ranking of wives and function of bridewealth, however, varied considerably between groups with the Nguni maintaining the most complex system.[12] In the case of a wife's dying without offspring or proving barren bridewealth was sometimes returned to the woman's family. In other cases a substitute wife, often the wife's sister, was supplied as the source of children. This practice, known as the sororate, was similar to the levirate which was practiced by all groups except the Xhosa, Thembu and some South Sotho. In levirate marriage, should a man die, another male relative assumes marital duties and produces heirs to the dead kinsman.[13]
      All groups practiced some from of exogamy and prescribed incest. But, definitions of incest and acceptable marriage partners differed greatly. Among the Nguni prohibitions on marriageable kin extended throughout clan groups. The Sotho, Tswana, Lobedu and Venda and other groups had less restrictive interpretations of kinship and regarded marriages involving cousins, which were anathema to the Nguni, very favourably.[14]
      Clan differences based on common ancestors or totems created important distinctions among all groups. Between recognized clan members or people sharing a common totem there were extensive obligations of hospitality and mutual support. Among the Nguni, especially groups associated with the Zulu, marriage ceremonies and subsequent practice emphasised the differences between lineage groups. The Sotho, Tswana and other groups, however, emphasised social inter-conectedness and the interweaving of lineage groups through marriage.[15]

      All the above factors draw attention to the many differences which existed between the various African groups found in Transorangia at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Similar differences can be found in the traditional religious beliefs of all these peoples. Taken together the differences between patterns of settlement, kinship systems and traditional religious beliefs probably help explain the varying responses of different African societies to the arrival of Christian missionaries and their subsequent conversion rates.

      It is remarkably difficult to reconstruct "traditional African religion" in Transorangia prior to 1910. Almost all our information about traditional African beliefs comes from missionary sources alone. These missionaries, like Robert Moffat,[16] and father-in-law of David Livingston, looked for church-like buildings, temples or other structures serviced by an organized priesthood with regular worship services. For them religion meant cultic practices like those found in Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and Judaism.
      By contrast the beliefs and practices of African the peoples in Transorangia seemed to have centred not on worship or church organization but on practical matters, like the planting crops, childbirth, and, most of all, healing.[17]  Not until the end of the nineteenth century and in the twentieth century were certain Christian beliefs and practices incorporated into certain African religions.[18]
      Thus Robert Moffat, in his classic work Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa[19] stated, "Among the Bechuanas, the name for God, adopted by the missionaries is Morimo"[20] [now rendered Modimo]. He then went on to say that in its traditional usage:
      Morimo did not, then, convey to the mind of those who heard it the idea of God...I am aware that the popular opinion is, that "man is a religious creature;" that "wherever he is to be found, there are to be traced the impressions and even convictions of the existence of a God."...Such were my own views when I left my native land; and entertaining such views, I persuaded myself, or rather tried to persuade myself, that I could discover rays of natural light, innate ideas of a Divine Being in the most untutored savage...When I was unsuccessful, I attributed it to my ignorance of the language...So great was the force of early prejudice, that it was a long time before I could be induced to embrace what I once considered an erroneous view of the subject.[21]
      Moffat claims that after repeated attempts to talk about God to numerous Tswana, reluctantly came to the conclusion that they had no concept of God whatsoever.[22]  Disagreeing with this view the Tswana historian of religion and African theologian, Gabriel M. Setiloane, argues that missionaries like Moffat failed to recognize the true dynamics of Tswana religious beliefs because they looked for a personal God similar to the image of God found in Western Christianity.[23]
      He concludes that the High God of the Tswana, Modimo, is the force or power of life itself and as such correctly referred to by the impersonal IT, similar to the mysterium tremendum et fascinans of Rudolf Otto's The Idea of the Holy.[24] Once this basic fact is recognized, Setiloane points out, many of the confusions in Moffat's account of his struggle to understand Tswana beliefs can be resolved. In other ways Moffat was an astute observer of Tswana religion.[25]
      Setiloane is writing about his own people, the Sotho-Tswana, but much he says applies to the beliefs of other African societies, too.  Unfortunately, no sustained academic discussions of the traditional beliefs of the Venda, Pedi or of the other African groups of Transorangia.  An understanding of the conversion process and the impact of missionaries are as a consequence not yet possible without further research.[26]

      The religions of the various African communities of Transorangia during the 19th century differed from each other.  Setiloane points out that the Sotho-Tswana do not appear to have had a creation myth but that the Ndebele, like the Zulu, did.[27]  The available evidence suggests that Zulu traditional religion centred on ancestors and did not involve a belief in a high god, while the Tswana-Sotho recognized an overarching, impersonal force, similar to a high god.[28]  Yet, despite differences in beliefs and ritual practices they shared many beliefs as, for example, in witchcraft, prophecy, and a concern for healing powers.[29]

      During the earliest years of the nineteenth century various Christian and semi-Christian groups ventured beyond the uneasy borders of the more settled Cape Colony into the interior of central Southern Africa. Groups of mixed racial origin, originating in the Cape, and later known as Griquas, began to circulate and settle beyond both the Orange and the Vaal.[30] The first white people to venture north were adventurers and missionaries, like Jacobus Kicherer, some of whom later became traders.[31]  All of the early travellers who crossed the Orange ranged over a vast area and, although they spread some knowledge of Christianity among Africans, they established no permanent mission stations.[32]
      After the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815, the London Missionary Society, (Congregational) soon to be followed by the Methodists and other missionary societies, renewed efforts to establish a permanent missionary presence in central Southern Africa. The systematic evangelization of African societies north of the Orange through the gradual establishment of settled missionary outposts had begun.[33]
       Contrary to the widespread belief among South Africans, not the Voortrekkers but missionaries were the first Europeans to settle in the interior of central Southern Africa.  The first white children born north of the Cape frontier were missionary children.[34]
            But see! the world becomes wilder;
            the fierce vermin worsen,
            stark naked hordes,
            following tyrants.
            How the trekkers suffer,
            Just like another Israel,
            Lost in the veld - by enemies surrounded,
            But for another Canaan elected,
            led forward by God's plan.
      These words by the  Afrikaans poet and theologian J.D. du Toit, Totius, (1877-1953) encapsulate a popular Afrikaner version of African history, that before the Great Trek the interior of the continent was inhabited by "wild tribes" totally cut off from "the civilizing influence of Christianity."  Few today see South African history in this way, but, the history of nineteenth-century South African Christianity in the regions beyond the Orange River can only be understood by noting that this conviction has gained widespread acceptance among Afrikaners and, surprisingly, in the English-speaking world, as well.[35]
      The basic framework of this history was later developed into an elaborate heroic saga relating how the ancestors of South African Boers, who later became known as Afrikaners, fled Europe where they were persecuted for their Calvinist convictions to find peace and security at the Cape.  It tells how, as a result of British oppression, they again forsook a comfortable and relatively safe life to find refuge in the interior of Africa safe from the tyranny of British imperialism.
      In Totius' words they were "freedom seekers" who preferred the dangers of an unknown frontier to injustice.[36] To understand this view of history a brief survey of what is known is South Africa as the Great Trek and the events which led up to it is necessary.
      White settlement at the Cape began with the establishment of a way station for the ships of the Dutch East India Company by Jan van Riebeeck in 1652.[37] Officially the religion of the early settlers was Reformed Christianity associated with the Calvinism of the Dutch Reformed Church in the Netherlands.[38]  There is, however, considerable evidence that the settlers brought with them many folk beliefs and practices which were far removed from the orthodox Calvinism of the Synod of Dort. Thus the Dutch Reformed Church was the official State Church until 1780 when Lutheranism was recognized as an acceptable religion.[39] Even so the DRC had only established six congregations by 1792.[40] As a result of reforms carried out by Commissioner de Mist of the Batavian Republic in 1804 the Dutch Reformed Church lost its special status as State Church in the Cape. Later, following the second British annexation of the Cape in 1806 and more specifically the defeat of Napoleon in 1814, Anglicanism, Roman Catholicism, Methodism and Presbyterianism gradually gained a foothold in the Cape.[41]
      The majority of the original white settlers, known as Cape Dutch, or in frontier regions Boers, maintained a nominal loyalty to the Dutch Reformed Church. The British, however, believed that religion  promotes loyal citizens and from the 1820's on recruited Scottish clergymen to staff the Dutch Reformed Churches of the Cape and establish new congregations.[42] This policy was also intended to anglicize of the Cape Dutch.
      As a result of unsettled frontier conditions, disputes about the treatment of non-white servants, the abolition of slavery and sundry other local grievances a large segment of frontier whites were alienated from British rule by the mid-1830's. As a result a mass migration took place between 1836 and 1845 involving 5,000 to 14,000 people. Known as Voortrekkers they packed their belongings into covered wagons and crossed the Orange River to move into uncharted territories beyond those claimed by the British crown. This movement is known in South African history as the Great Trek.[43] When this event took place the Dutch Reformed Church in the Cape condemned it as an act of open rebellion and excommunicated anyone who joined the Trek.[44] Nevertheless, the majority of trekkers retained a residual if strained loyalty to the DRC and managed to obtain occasional ministrations from men like Erasmus Smit[45] and the American missionary Daniel Lindley.[46]
      The argument that Calvinism played a central role in Boer society, from the earliest settlement at the Cape to the present has an initial plausibility, but a growing number of scholars believe this interpretation lacks evidence.[47]  To date, the best discussion of an alternate interpretation is found in the works of André du Toit who argues that before the late nineteenth-century frontier Boers were not noted for their religiosity.[48] I myself also have developed this view, suggesting that identification of Afrikaners with Calvinism did not take firm hold until after the horrors of the Second-Anglo Boer war.[49]
      Before the evangelization of frontier communities by representatives of these three Dutch Reformed churches, the majority of frontier Boers seemed to have lacked formal commitment to Christianity. As early as 1838, Prosper Lemue, a French missionary to the Sotho, described the Voortrekkers as:"
      a scourge which threatens the Basuto nation and the neighbouring tribes....This country is almost constantly traversed in every direction by the caravans of these emigrants....The encroachment of these farmers is to be feared and they may well be a thorn which, by and by, become a source of anxiety to the true friends of missions."[50]
      The following year the American missionary Daniel Lindley generally sympathetic to the Boers, wrote that they were in need of evangelization, conversion, instruction and guidance in developing a pious Christian lifestyle.  A letter of 17 July 1839 said:"
      In most of their houses you will find a Bible...But this good books is, with a few exceptions, little read and less understood...They are deplorably ignorant and confess it with a characteristic, though to me wonderful, simplicity...I do sincerely believe that the cheapest, speediest, easiest way to convert the heathen here is to convert the white ones first."[51]
      Ten years later a Cape Town-born adventurer, James Chapman described "a portion of the people" as "stupid and bigoted."
 The Boers however on the whole are very hospitable. Their education and general knowledge is very limited...great coffee and tea drinkers, inveterate smokers, and...many drink intoxicating liquors to excess...They are unclean and untidy generally and sleep with their clothes    on...The majority of Boers are superstitious. Rolf du Plooy told me, when I complained of a toothache, to lance it and to inoculate the blood into a tree; and for different  complaints [they have] different cures of like kind. They also believe in omens..."[52]
      A lack of respect for formal religion among many Boers led many to oppose missionary work. "The Boers" Chapman wrote:"
      do not behave well to these poor tribes who were independent before the Boers intruded on their domains...The Boers take no interest in the souls of these people and, with the exception of very few, would [not] allow them to be present at their worship. And as for one entering their church, it would be considered sacrilege...[53]
      American, French and German missionaries throughout Southern Africa tended to agree with this assessment.[54]
      The noted writer Olive Schreiner, the daughter of missionaries and an agnostic who worked as a young woman in isolated Boer communities, provides some clues to the nature of Boer religion in a 1892 essay on "The Psychology of the Boer":
      It has been said of the Boer that he is bigoted and intolerant in religious matters.  That this accusation should have ever been made has always appeared to us a matter of astonishment. It can only have been made by those who either know little or nothing of the true up-country Boer..."[55]
In her classic work, The Story of an African Farm,[56] one gains an impression of the daily life and thought of the Boers as a people living close to nature and far from established religion.
      A central feature of these beliefs concerned folk medicine and ideas about spiritual healing, from faith healing to herbal remedies and sympathetic magic.  Kruger's autobiography told how at a shooting accident in which he amputated his thumb:
      the wound healed very slowly...gangrene set marks rose as far as the shoulder. Then they killed a goat, took out the stomach, and cut it open. I put my hand into it while it was still warm. This Boer remedy succeeded...[57]
He noted that the goats grazed on a river bank where many herbs grew. This he thought explained the success of the cure.
      The use of animals innards was also common in Boer folk  medicine, as in African traditional healing.  A common remedy for influenza was to skin a sheep or lamb and lay the fresh hot pelt on the chest of the sufferer. Other remedies utilized animal dung and plants for the treatment of wounds. Certain leaves were rolled into herbal cigarettes believed to cure a variety of ills.  Or leaves were thrown on smouldering fires with the patient inhaling the fumes, a practice reminiscent of Xhosa and Zulu healing practices. The smoke may have been thought {to have the power} to drive out evil spirits. In a similar way the skin was lacerated to cure influenza, possibly with the intent of releasing demons.[58] [59]
      One practice that clearly involved a belief in sympathetic magic was the traditional cure for a rupture. A young sapling tree was split "down the middle with an axe, the two halves held forcibly apart, and the patient passed through between them.  Then the split tree was bound together with strong twine:  if the tree recovered and lived, the patient was cured, but if it died the treatment would prove of no avail.[60]
      Isidore Fracke (?) in A South African Doctor Looks Backwards and Forward[61] confirms this aspect of Boer life. He says the Afrikaner farmer is:"
      He is the most credulous creature on earth...One of the greatest evils which keeps him poor is his inordinate love for quacks and patent medicines."[62]
Frack comments on the magic workers of Slamaaiers:
      A frequent source of chronic disease was kaffir-poison of `kaffergif.' In the beginning I used to argue with the people that there was no such thing in kaffir poison...Patients used to come to me, regale their symptoms...until I almost started believing in it too. A talk with an old practitioner quickly dispelled my fears, but did not help much in disabusing my       patients' minds...."[63]
      A mysterious stranger came to the homestead...After a time spent in discussing matters of general interest, he would suddenly take a deep sniff and put on a preoccupied air...asked why he was so thoughtful, he intimated that he `smelled' some evil spirits, who were directly responsible for his host's eye-ache, backache or stomach ache. On being asked by the wondering farmer if he could exorcize the spirits, he came down to business, and offered to affect a cure for a consideration...[64]
On one occasion Frack witnessed a performance where:
      the whole family gathered in a corner of the kraal, listening to a weird collection of incantations by the slamaaier. This part of the proceedings over, the man, followed by the audience, commenced perambulating the kraal, until he stopped suddenly, fell on his knees and commenced digging the ground with his bare hands.  He brought forth three stones the size of walnuts and told his hearers in awestruck tones that these were the excreta of the devils...[65]
 The slamaaier destroyed the stones and pronounced the family cured.
      African witch doctors were sought when other means had failed to produce a cure. But stories were told also of Slamaaiers and witch doctors being used to hex enemies.[66]  The records of the Reformed church include a number of cases in which charges of witchcraft were brought before church councils in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.  Between 1906 and 1912 in some cases the reason cited for consulting a witch doctor was clearly medical, in others patients sought "charms" or revenge. A church council hearing a charge of witchcraft would call the defendant before it and explain that such practices were un-Christian and must cease.  One man argued that "some people have powers which they can use to puzzle others"; he declared that he could find no statement in the Bible against such powers.  All he knew was that they helped him. Disciplined by the church but he remained unrepentant.[67]
      In 1910 and 1911 the Synod of the Reformed church in the Orange Free State held discussions of the problem; so did other provincial synods. As a result the church commissioned two elders to write a booklet that would outline the biblical position on these issues and alert church members to these "dangers." Witchcraft is referred to only occasionally in church documents.[68]
      Probably the most important and widespread traditional religious beliefs was the belief in second sight or the gift of prophecy, usually attributed to individuals born with a caul who were thought to possess extraordinary psychic powers. Such people were said to be able to foresee droughts and disasters as well as weddings and births.  Telepathic gifts were also attributed to certain farm people.  One prominent professor emeritus told me that, in 1909, he had witnessed a fellow student communicating with his brother by telepathy over several hundred miles.  The brothers had an agreement that after lunch every Sunday they would walk out into the veld, sit under a tree and seek to establish telepathic contact. In this way the student said he learned of doings at home far quicker than by letter.[69]  Such a gift, the professor maintained, had been common among country people in his youth although few urban  Afrikaners he said possessed the gift of telepathy today.
      The best known example of a man born with the caul is Nicholaas van Rensburg, the "prophet" of Lichtenburg. Van Rensburg is said to have had his first "vision" at the age of seven in 1869, when he assured his mother that she need not fear an attack by local Africans during her husband's absence.  He gained his reputation as a "seer" during the second Anglo-Boer War, credited with warning commandoes of approaching British troops, and with having a vision in which he saw "The Red Bull wounded and defeated." This vision was held to predict General de la Rey's victory over British troops at the battle of Tweebos on 7 March 1902.[70]
      In July 1913 he had a vision of "fire in Europe" and later had a vision of two great bulls fighting a struggle of life and   death. Their colours were read and grey, and the red one was trampled in the dust....He also saw the number 15 against a dark cloud from which blood poured. He saw de la Rey with his head bare, coming home. Lastly he saw a carriage filled with flowers.[71]
      Many Afrikaners took these visions as prediction of the defeat of the British by Germany and the restoration of the old republics by de la Rey. In fact, de la Rey died in what appears to have been the first stages of a plot to revolt against British rule, but van Rensburg's prophecies continued to haunt Afrikaners. According to South African government intelligence reports thousands of Afrikaners heeded them and thus joined the rebels in the Civil War Rebellion of 1914. It was the government's view the prophecies of van Rensburg were the principle cause of the rebellion.[72]  After the defeat of the rebels and his own capture van Rensburg returned to his farm and his visions he was said to have foreseen the flu epidemic of 1918 and the death of General Lewis Botha in 1919.[73]
      Sometimes, as in the writings of Herman Charles Bosman Afrikaner ghost stories, have definite religious connotations, their background often African beliefs about the ancestors or beliefs of Malay origin derived from an Islamic culture where the jinn, that is the spirits, are a living reality. Many such stories warn  of impending death or the activities of malevolent spirits.[74]
      Although some Afrikaners apparently believed in tree, water, and air spirits, none I talked to said they did. Some did say they had known people who held these beliefs and who took magical precautions to protect themselves from the spirits. The most popular of these beings was the tokkelossie, African in origin, a small, hairy man, was said to possess immense strength and sexual power.[75]
      The activities of the devil were another source of popular speculation. That the devil existed no one was in doubt; his powers over human beings were another question. Some blamed the devil for personal misfortune, others for world troubles.  Sometimes individuals said the devil caused them to act in ways they otherwise would not.  His power to possess people was unquestioned; a number of people, in archival material, claimed that the devil caused them to act in un-Christian ways.
      When one man, impoverished as a result of the Second Anglo-Boer War, sought to improve his fortunes by establishing a brothel, the local church council accused him of supporting African prostitutes. His defense was that the devil had made him "fall into a sin sleep."  He claimed not to be responsible for his actions and asked forgiveness of the community.[76]


Whatever the outcome of these academic arguments, it is clear that as Reformed Christianity { <---this term not yet established herein} was planted in Transorangia small congregations north of the Orange River were usually located on the farms of pious farmers who sought to retain contact with the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (Dutch Reformed Church)that had been long established at the Cape.  A few church buildings were built in small towns like Bloemfontein, Potchefstroom, and Rustenburg.[77] The first evangelists were Andrew Murray Sr., J.H. Neethling, and P.K. Albertyn during the 1840s. Farm congregations were established throughout what was to become the Orange Free State and later beyond the Transvaal. In 1849, 1850 and 1851 Andrew Murray, Jr. (1828-1917) set up numerous small churches during a series of extensive preaching tours resembling those of the American circuit riders. Following the establishment of the Hervormde Kerk (Re-formed Church) in 1852, the Dutch Reformed (Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk) became largely defunct until it was slowly re-established in the 1860's by a new breed of minister strongly influenced by the evangelical piety of John Murray[78] and his brother Andrew.

      Because of their emphasis on the evangelization and education of blacks, on interdenominational prayer and holiness meetings,[79] and because of their willingness to work with English-speaking ministers and congregations,[80] representatives of the Dutch Reformed Church in the Transvaal were often regarded as traitors to the Volk.[81]
      In 1862 there was a new obstacle to establishing a united Dutch Reformed church, embracing the whole of Southern Africa.  Liberals, after an unsuccessful attempt to exclude evangelical delegates from the General Synod, appealed to the civil courts to rule that a government ordinance limited membership of the church to persons living within the boundaries of the Cape colony.  To the dismay of the Murrays and their supporters the courts did so.  Evangelical influences within the synod were drastically reduced as a result but the most important consequence was the division of the Dutch Reformed church into a number of separate churches in local geographic areas.[82]  As a result, any sense of a common identity and a growth of shared nationalism among members was severely restricted.  Towards the end of the nineteenth century, however, the Dutch Reformed church was greatly stengthened by a religious revival that also swept Europe and North America.[83]
      In 1852 Dirk van der Hoff arrived from the Netherlands to minister to the people living in the South African Republic. A number of other able, Dutch-trained ministers, including A.J. Begemann and G.W. Smits came later to help him establish the first indigenous reformed church in Southern Africa. Van der Hoff was to assume an important political role in the republic, in 1853 helping to develop its first educational policy; he later was appointed {?} the chairman of the board of education. Together with others, he drafted the constitution, adopted in 1857, designed the state's flag, the Vierkleur, and wrote a national anthem and other patriotic songs.[84]
      Van der Hoff was an advocate of "modern thought," that is, a "liberal" or "modernist,"[85] as such religious leaders were described; they accepted the biblical criticism of the period and those of European scholars, who questioned many traditional Christian beliefs.[86] The name of his church, the Dutch Re-formed Church of the Transvaal (De Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk van die Transvaal - Hervormde means, literally "re-formed"), reflects his own nationalism and the desire for political independence among many  Transvaalers.
      Initially there was probably no real intention on van der Hoff's part to effect a complete theological or religious separation from the Cape church.[87]  An independent church was a matter of political pride rather than doctrinal difference.[88]  As time passed, however, the Re-formed church developed into a People's Church (VolksKerk) similar to the various state churches of Germany. It made no attempt to spread beyond the Transvaal until relatively late in its history and as a result encouraged a Transvaal, rather than a broad Afrikaner, nationalism.
      A second independent church, the Reformed Church of South Africa (Gereformeerde Kerk van Suid Africa), was founded in 1859 by the Reverend Dirk Postma.  In the Netherlands he had been a member of the secessionist Separated Christian Reformed Church (Afgescheiden Christelijke Gereformeerde Kerk), which sought to uphold traditional Calvinism against the inroads of theological liberalism.[89]  In 1857, a well known Free State politician, J.J. Venter, wrote to the church in the Netherlands, complaining about the evangelical and liberal influences in South Africa and appealing for a minister who would remain loyal to the teachings of Calvinism as formulated in the seventeenth century by the Synod of Dort.  In response, Postma was sent to Cape Town in 1858. In Rustenburg he made contact with the conservative "Dopper" Boers, though he also sought to work in harmony with van der Hoff.[90]
      The Doppers were a socially conservative group who adhered to traditional Calvinist beliefs and practices.  About 6,000 in number, 8% or so of the Boer population, they were led in the early part of the nineteenth century, by the Voortrekker Potgieter in the 1830s and 1840s (?) and by Paul Kruger in the latter part of the nineteenth century.  Some argue that their nickname "Dopper" came from a conservative lifestyle that extinguished the new light of the Enlightenment, from the Dutch "domper", a device used to quench the flame of a candle.[91]   Others said Dopper was a corruption of the Dutch word "dop" or drink and reflected a reputation for heavy drinking.  But whatever the origin of the term, like Methodist, Quaker and the names of other religious groups it was initially one of abuse. It came to identify a distinct religious mindset associated with orthodox Calvinism, the teachings of the Synod of Dort,[92] and a rejection of all things English.[93]
      On 11 January 1859 the Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church of the Transvaal (Hervormde Kerk), with the support of van der Hoff,  made the singing of modern hymns compulsory in all its congregations.  The Doppers considered such hymns doctrinally impure, and consequently, a schism led by Kruger and a group of Doppers, split the Rustenburg congregation.  Postma was invited to minister to the Dopper faction, and, he accepted. This was the origin of the reformed church (Gereformeerde Kerk).[94] 
      Conservative theologically, Postma's church spearheaded the Afrikaner Nationalist Movement both before and after the Second-Anglo Boer War. Assisted by his able assistant Jan Lion Cachet, Postma, like van der Hoff, played an important role in Afrikaner history. He encouraged education and a sense of national identity among members of the church in the Cape, the Free State and the Transvaal.[95]
      The differences among these three churches were both theological and political. The original Cape church, the Dutch Reformed (Nederduitse Gereformeerde), was initially strongly influenced by theological liberalism, but from the 1860s on, conservative evangelicals slowly gained control through domination of theological training in South Africa and through their revivalist preaching.[96]  Most leaders of the church were still content with English rule and, indeed, saw many advantages in co-operation with English and British evangelicals. They were also intensely interested in missionary activity and in the creation of a black church with its own evangelists and pastors.[97]
      The second church to be formed, most liberal of the three, the Re-formed church (Hervormde), was also the most political. It was founded as the church of the South African republic and spread throughout Southern Africa. Its attempt to become a People's Church of the South African Republic led to a desultory two-year civil war (1863-64).  On the one side were members of the Re-formed church and supporters of the establishment, on the other the Doppers and other dissidents led by Kruger. Eventually in a political compromise the Re-formed Church was assigned a place as one church among many.[98]
      The last of the three reformed churches established in Transorangia, the Reformed (Gereformeerde Kerk) from the beginning saw itself as the true representative of Calvinism in Southern Africa. Before 1899 members of this church, such as Kruger, were important in Transvaal politics.  Others, Jan Lion Cachet among them, encouraged the growth of Afrikaans as a language and the development of a pan-Boer, or Afrikaner, identity.  The church itself was inactive politically before 1902. After the end of the Second Anglo-Boer War members were involved in the leadership of the Second Language Movement, in Christian national education and development of Afrikaner nationalism ideology.  During the years 1902-15 the church did lend its support to the development of Afrikaner nationalism in allowing its various publications and synods to support General J.B.M. Hertzog {in ...} and the Nationalist cause.[99]

      For a variety of reasons it is difficult to know exactly how many missions and missionaries were operating in Transorangia before 1910.  Most statistical summaries deal with the whole of South Africa and even then are incomplete. The closest we come to specifics is the Condensed Report of the Statistical Committee of the United Missionary Conference[100] which in 1889 published the results of a 1883 survey it undertook of mission work in South Africa.[101]
      Thus in a 25 year period during the nineteenth century, fewer than then 100 missionaries and their wives converted about 25,000 African converts.[102]  This is an impressive statistic that tends to contradict the current view of many scholars that the 19th missionary movement was a colossal failure.[103]  By the end of the nineteenth century many missionaries were dejected by what they saw as the failure of their enterprise.  The Scottish missionary and Lovedale President, James Stewart (1831-1905), in his book Dawn in the Dark Continent (1903)[104] devotes an entire chapter to what he calls the "Slow Progress of Missions." He admits apparent numerical failure but says Christian missions to Africa succeeded in spreading education, ending the slave trade, and introducing modern medicine, to Africans.[105]
      Many early  missionaries and mission leaders, as well as later commentators, commit the fallacy of treating growth in terms of static numbers, not growth rates calculated as a percentage of the total membership at any one time.[106]  Thus the Hermmansburg[107] mission experienced a consistent growth rate of over 15 percent until 1899, after which the growth rate declined to around 5 percent.[108]   Apart from the obvious disruption caused by the Second Anglo-Boer War one reason for the decline in growth may well have been the missionaries' acceptance in the belief of failure leading to a self-fulfilling prophesy.  Yet the early 15 percent growth rate was evidence of modest success.[109]
      Throughout the century various missionaries in Transorangia belonged to relatively small societies or were independently financed, with the result that their contribution to the missionary enterprise is easily overlooked. There is, for instance, no history of the Plymouth Brethren,[110] which supported independent missionaries in South Africa, producing many highly motivated converts who had a significant impact.[111]  The role of Black missionaries and evangelists similarly has yet to be documented.[112]
      Other smaller societies, such as the South African Compounds and Interior Mission,[113] the Presbyterian Church of South Africa Mission,[114] and the Swiss Romande Mission,[115] sought to evangelize blacks.  Although the work of these groups should not be underestimated, the availability of reliable archival and other data has forced us to concentrate our account of 19th century missions to Transorangia on the larger societies.
      During the period under consideration missionary activity by the Dutch Reformed,[116] the Anglicans[117] and the Roman Catholic church[118]in the Transvaal was insignificant. Only after 1910 did these churches have significant influence among blacks in northern areas.[119] The Scottish missionary educator, James Stewart, in fact, castigated the tendency among some Anglican clergy to be exclusive and for their failure to co-operate with other missionaries.[120]  In the Orange Free State after 1902, the Anglican presence in the Transvaal increased considerably.[121]
      The German missiologist Gustav Warneck[122] and James Steward disagreed sharply in their evaluation of Wesleyan missions.  Warneck claimed that these missions: "intrude discourteously into the fields of other societies, while the maturity of their Christians and the education of their native helpers leave much to be desired."[123]  Steward saw in the Wesleyans, on the other hand,
      "great evangelistic fervour, energy, and spiritual warmth" propelled "by an unswerving belief in the power of the simple preaching of the gospel of Jesus Christ."[124]   He praised Wesleyan educational efforts:
      More than any other mission, they have employed native ordained preachers and native evangelists. Their system is thoroughly organised, and conscientiously worked...They have devoted much time and effort to native education...[125]
      Wesleyan[126] missions existed in Transorangia from the 1820s with the first Wesleyan church in the South African Republic founded by David Magata, an African, at Potchefstroom in the late 1860s.[127]  The Boers took such a strong dislike to "Methodism", strongly identifying it the growth of political consciousness among blacks.[128]
      From the Boer perspective the English-speaking churches, especially the Methodists, who rarely distinguished between missionaries to blacks and pastors to the entire community, were a constant thorn in the side. Indeed, the Dutch Prime Minister, theologian and philosopher, Abraham Kuyper blamed English religion, especially Methodism, for imperialism in general and the Second Anglo-Boer War in particular.[129] And his South African disciple, J.D. du Toit, better known as one of the three leading poets of the Second Afrikaner Language Movement, Totius, followed his teacher's example by denouncing Methodism as the cause of innumerable ills because of its religious dynamic which abolished distinctions of race and class.[130]
      German missions on the other hand were slightly more tolerated by the Boers.[131] Actually, German-speaking missions represent the most important group of missionaries in this area prior to 1914,[132] but like the smaller societies, they are largely ignored in English-language literature. Addressing the Seventh General Conference of the Evangelical Alliance in Base in 1879, the German missiologist and professor of Protestant theology in Bonn, Dr. Theodore Christlieb, lamented:
      "How astonishingly little attention have the English Missionary magazines paid to the labours of the Germans!"[133]
Yet, German missions were among the most successful in Transorangia. The first to arrive were members of the Rhenish mission,[134] whose first missionaries crossed the Orange River in the mid-1830s on scouting expeditions. In the 1840s the mission began its permanent operations on the borders of Transorangia. The Berlin Missionary Society[135] established permanent stations in the area beginning in 1834,[136] followed by members of the Hermannsburg mission in 1858, and the Hanoverian mission in 1890.[137]
      German missionaries tended to be discrete in their criticism of the Boers because of the precarious political situation in which they often found themselves. So, too, their {feeble?} financial support encouraged self-reliance, but in practice made them vulnerable to local pressure.[138]  In private, however, German missionaries spoke openly about the Boers as a hinderance to the spread of the gospel and had no illusions about their mistreatment of blacks.[139] One of their biggest complaints was the arbitrariness  of Boer law, which the Germans claimed changed whenever it suited enough burgers, with blacks cheated out of their land and continually driven to accept serfdom or worse. <---{"or worse" do you mean slavery?} 
      Before 1880 the Berlin missionaries were more cautious in their criticisms than either the Rhenish or Hermannsburg missions, whose societies had strong bases in British territory and were therefore less dependent than the Berlin missionaries on the goodwill of Boer authorities.[140]  They despaired at what they saw as a lack of true piety and Christian virtue among the Boers, and were full of praise for British rule.[141]
      For many reasons, German mission policy, especially in the South African Republic, favoured subservience to Boer authorities. In theory Germany missions were expected to establish self-sufficient communities to support their missionaries and also many converts,[142] to train blacks in modern agriculture, preparing some others for skilled trades.  These training schools, effective in the short run, failed after some years.[143]
       In the Boer republics all missionaries were viewed with suspicion although German missionaries less than English ones. Missionaries found it almost impossible to acquire land for their farm settlements and the use of that land they did obtain was strictly limited.  They were compelled to swear loyalty to the Boer Governments.  African converts who had learned a trade, often were denied the chance to practice that new skill once they left the mission station, because {explain concretely how "job reservation" worked.}
      The missionaries were under constant pressure to take out local citizenship, some to act as government agents, both of which brought them favoured treatment, while at the same time alienating them from blacks.[144]
      After the First Anglo-Boer War (1880-81) German missionaries sympathy for the Boers increased, partially as a result of the sense of betrayal they felt by the British. But, the main reason was the increased pressure put on them by the government of the South African Republic infuriated by the accusation of a Hermannsburg missionary, {Full name} Fuls who, with a group of other witnesses, had testified to the British about the sadistic treatment of blacks by Paul Kruger.[145]
Fuls eventually resigned from the mission.
      During the Second Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) German missionaries were in a particularly vulnerable position and often suffered at the hands of both sides because they were suspected by each of betraying one side to the other. In general German missionaries regarded British methods of warfare as "barbaric."  The brutal murder of the missionary Daniel Hesse by Australian troops added to their alienation from British rule. Hesse, ironically died as a result of his efforts to save the life of a badly wounded British soldier.[146]  During the war many families of German missionaries were interned in British camps where they experienced the epidemics that had ravaged the Boer community.  A strong, if guarded, sympathy developed for the Boer cause among the missionaries and, even more significantly, among their children.[147]
      Among their African converts, the Berlin missionaries encouraged a patriarchal society with the missionary replacing the chief.  African customs and experiences were welcomed within limits and African spirituality positively valued.  These missionaries mastered African languages and encouraged the use of the vernacular in worship. They did not question the reality of dreams and visions in African conversion and Christian life; on the contrary, like the Anglican Henry Callaway in Natal, they regarded such experiences as genuine expressions of the work of the Holy Spirit, encouraging their converts to report such things. The other German missionaries were less enthusiastic and more conventional in their piety,[148] but all German missionaries respected the testimony of converts and regarded them as genuine Christians and as persons of responsibility, capable of educational growth.
      British missionaries had advantages over their continental counterparts by speaking the language of one of the dominant powers in the region.  They also could depend on much stronger financial support from their home bases. As a result, in the latter half of the nineteenth century, even the worst paid British missionaries were far better off than the best paid German ones,[149] and of course greatly less dependant on farming, hunting or trading.  They also enjoyed a freedom to act more independently, {why?} in the face of opposition from Boers than the German and other continental missionaries could.  Yet, German missionaries, were the most successful in recruiting black converts before 1910. The reasons are not really clear.
      In general the pattern of conversion to Christianity among blacks in Transorangia was quite different from conversion among Zulu speakers in Natal. The Transorangia pattern, especially in areas evangelized by German missionaries, was one of mass conversion through the influence of chiefs, Zulu conversion usually involved alienated individuals who rejected the contemporary Zulu society. This difference in recruitment pattern makes a very great difference in growth patterns as has been ably shown by Rodney Stark and Williams Sims Bainbridge in their paper "Networks of Faith."[150] Thus the actual recruitment patters for Africans by German missionaries in Transorangia followed the best theoretical models proposed by modern sociology. {is this a repetition of earlier text? appears to be}
      One fallacy of mission history is the widespread belief that religious diversity hinders church growth. The Anglican Peter Hinchliff claims that: "Competition to "sell" rival brands of the Christian faith was the great curse of nineteenth century missionary expansion..."[151]
As Stark has shown in his work on new religious movements nothing could be further from the truth.  Ample evidence suggests that religions and religious movements thrive in open competition. Where churches are state churches and where religious observation is strictly controlled there is ample evidence that religious commitment is low, but, where a free market prevails people flock to the religions of their choice. Rather than hindering the growth of Christianity, as the missionaries thought, religious diversity encouraged the growth of African Independent/Indigenous churches and the rapid spread of Christianity to all African groups in Southern Africa.[152]
      Surveying the history of the Christian church in Transorangia during the nineteenth century it is possible to look back and see it as one of continued success and rapid real growth. Rarely, in the history of the church has Christianity spread so quickly under such difficult circumstances as those found in nineteenth century Transorangia. Certainly, the spread of Christianity in Transorangia, especially amongst Black Africans, was far swifter and more effective than earlier Christian efforts to evangelize Europe and in particular Germany.[153]  This was a remarkable achievement by any standards.

     [1]Throughout the nineteenth century various white groups ventured into this area. The British annexed Walvis Bay in 1878 and incorporated it into the Cape Colony in 1884. Germany was granted the area as a German "protectorate" by the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 but only really established a loose control over parts of the territory in the 1890's. Cf. SWAPO, To be Born A Nation, London, Zed Press, 1981, pp. 9-13; J.H.P. Serfontein, Namibia, Randburg, Fokus Suid, 1976, pp. 19-20; and H. Vedder, Das alte Südwestafrika, Windhoek, SWA Wissenschaftliche Gesellschaft, 1981.
     [2]Cf. Leonard Thompson "The Difaqane and its Aftermath, 1822-1836," in Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa, London, Oxford University Press, Vol. 1, 1969, pp. 391-405. For a revisionist view see: J. Cobbing "The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo," Journal of African History, Vol. 29, No. 2, 1988, pp. 487-519; and the response by Norman Etherington, "The   Great Trek in Relation to the Mfecane: A Reassessment,"   South African Historical Journal, Vol 25, 1991, pp. 3-21.
     [3]Many popular books on African religion argue for that essentially all African peoples shared common religious beliefs and assumptions. Cf. Geoffrey Parrinder, Religion in Africa, Harmmondsworth, Penguin, 1969; John S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, London, Heinemann, 1969.
     [4]Cf. N.J. van Warmelo, "The Classification of Cultural Groups," in W.D. Hammond-Tooke, ed., The Bantu-Speaking Peoples of Southern Africa, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974, pp. 56-84.
     [5]Cf. Margaret Shaw, "Material Culture," in W.D. Hammond-Tooke, ed., The Bantu-Speaking Peoples of Southern Africa, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974, p. 85.
     [6]Ibid, p. 86.
     [7]Ibid, p. 88-89.
     [8]Ibid, p. 89.
     [9]Ibid, pp. 90-99.
     [10]Ibid, pp. 101-102.
     [11]Cf. Eleanor Preston-Whyte, "Kinship and Marriage," in W.D. Hammond-Tooke, ed., The Bantu-Speaking Peoples of Southern Africa, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974, pp. 177-179.
     [12]Ibid, p. 181.
     [13]Ibid, p. 189-190.
     [14]Ibid, pp. 192-193.
     [15]Ibid, pp. 201-109.
     [16]He was a member of the London Missionary Society, LMS, an interdenominational mission founded in 1795. In time effectively became the missionary society of the English Congregational Church. The first LMS
missionaries arrived in South Africa in 1799 and entered Transoranjia in 1801.
     [17]G.C. Oosthuizen,, Afro-Christian Religion & Healing in Southern Africa, Lewiston, Edwin Mellen, 1989.
     [18]For a discussion of this issue in the context of Zulu religion see: Irving Hexham, "Lord of the Sky-King   of the Earth:  Zulu Traditional Religion and Belief in  the Sky God", Studies in Religion (Waterloo), Vol. 10, 3,  1981, pp. 273-285. See also G.C. Oosthuizen, The Healer-Prophet in Afro-Christian Churches, Leiden, E.J. Brill, 1992; and Inus Daneel, Quest for Belonging, Gweru, Zimbabwe, Mambo Press, 1987.
     [19]Robert Moffat, Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa, London, John Snow, 1842
     [20]ibid, p 260.
     [21] ibid, pp. 261 & 265-266.
     [22]ibid, p. 266-268.
     [23]Gabriel M. Setiloane, The Image of God Among the Sotho-Tswana, Rotterdam, A.A. Balkema, 1976.
     [24]Cf. Rudolf Otto, The Idea of the Holy, London, Oxford University Press, 1923.
     [25]An excellent summary of the key points of Setiloane's argument is to be found in: Gabriel Setlioane, "Modimo: God Among the Sotho-Tswana," Journal of Theology for Southern Africa, Vol. 4, September 1973, pp. 6-17. Cf. P.A.W. Cook, Social Organization and Ceremonial Institutions of the Bomvana, Cape Town, Juta, n.d., pp. 106; where a similar argument is made about traditional Bomvana beliefs.
     [26]Other studies which discuss traditional African religion in Transoranjia, tho' written at a later date, include E. Jensen Krige and J.D. Krige, The Realm of the Rain Queen, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1943; J.A. van Rooy, Language and Culture in the
Communication of the Christian Message as Illustrated by the Venda Bible, unpublished Th.D. thesis, Potchefstroom University 1971; H.O. Mönnig, The Pedi, Pretoria, J.L. van Schaik, 1967; and D.W.T. Shropshire, The Church and Primitive Peoples: The Religious Institutions and Beliefs of the Southern Bantu and their Bearing on the Problems of Christian Missions, London, SPCK, 1938. Although not dealing directly with Southern Africa, F.B. Welbourn's Atoms and Ancestors, Bristol, Edward Arnold, 1968, is an excellent introduction to the structure of African religions of the type found in Southern Africa.
     [27]ibid, p. 11.
     [28]Cf. Irving Hexham, "Lord of the Sky-King of the Earth:  Zulu Traditional Religion and Belief in the Sky God", Studies in Religion (Waterloo), Vol. 10, 3,  1981, pp.
273-285; and Irving Hexham, ed., Texts on Zulu Religion, Lewiston, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1987.
     [29]In actual fact, in comparison to the available sources about Xhosa and Zulu religion, we are faced with a dearth of published primary material when we attempt to understand African religions in Transoranjia during the nineteenth century. The closest we come to accounts of local religious beliefs and practices based on information gathered before 1910 are in the works of Junod and Willoughby. Cf. Henri A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe, first published 1912, second revised edition 1926, reprinted by University Books, New York, 1962; and W.C. Willoughby, The South of the Bantu: A Sympathetic Study of the Magico-Religious Practices and Beliefs of the Bantu Tribes of Africa, London, Student Christian Movement, 1926; and Nature-Worship and Taboo: Further Studies in "The Soul of the Bantu", Hartford, Hartford Seminary Press, 1932.
     [30]Cf. R.G. Wagner, "Coenraad de Buys in Transorangia," The Societies of Southern Africa in the   19th and 20th. Centuries, edited by Shula Marks, vol 4, 1973, pp. 1-8; Robert Ross, "Griqua Power and Wealth: An Analysis of the Paradoxes and their Interrelationship," ibid, pp. 9-18; Martin Legassick, "The Frontier Tradition in South African Historiography," The Societies of Southern Africa in the 19th and 20th. Centuries, edited by Shula Marks, vol. 2, 1971, pp. 1-33.
     [31]The basic source for reliable information and a firm chronology of missionary activity in Southern Africa remains J. du Plessis A History of Christian   Missions in South Africa, London, Longmans, Green and Co, 1911, pp. 101-107.
du Plessis's History of Missions in South Africa, op. cit., is uninspiring and tends to present missionary activity in a cultural and political vacuum his outline is invaluable. The other essential source for an overview of missionary activity is C.P. Groves, four volume, The Planting of Christianity in Africa, London, Lutterworth, 1948-1958,   reprinted 1964. This chapter uses these works to provide its essential structure along with other books like D.R. Briggs and Joseph Wing, The Harvest and the Hope: The Story of Congregationalism in South Africa, Johannesburg, United Congregational Church, 1970.
     [33]du Plessis and others document the repeated failures of the missionaries to establish permeant stations and their very slow initial progress.
     [34]This was the son of the Methodist missionary Samuel Broadbent (1794-1867). He was born near present day Wolmaransstad on 1 July 1823 and eventually became a missionary to India.
     [35]Unfortunately space does not allow an examinations of the works of the Canadian born historian George McCall Theal (1837-1919) and other early writers who propagated these views. Cf. Christopher Saunders, The Making of the South African Past, Cape Town, David Philip, 1988, pp. 10-44.
     [36]Cf. Ken Smith, The Changing Past: Trends in South African Historical Writing, Johannesburg, Southern Books, 1988, pp.57-101; and F.A. van Jaarsveld, The Afrikaner's Interpretation of South African History, Cape Town, Simondium, 1964. The most recent books to expound the basic themes of this interpretation of South African history, are W. de Klerk, The Puritans in Africa, London, Rex Collins, 1975; Ideology on a Frontier: The Theological Foundation of Afrikaner Nationalism, 1652-1910, Westport, Greenwood Press, 1984;Jonathan Neil Gerstner, The Thousand Generation Covenant: Dutch Reformed Covenant Theology and Group Identity in Colonial South Africa, 1652-1814, Leiden, E.J. Brill, 1991. All of these authors accept as a fact the innate piety of a nineteenth-century Boer society rooted in the Calvinism of the earliest Dutch settlers.
     [37]Cf. M.F. Katzen, "White Settlers and the Origin of a New Society, 1652-1778," in Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds, The Oxford History of South Africa, London, Oxford University Press, 1969, Vol. 1, pp. 183-232.
     [38].Cf. John t. McNeill, The History and Character of Calvinism, New York, Oxford University Press, 1954.
     [39]ibid, p. 229.
     [40]ibid, p. 230.
     [41]Cf. Peter Hinchliff, The Church in South Africa, London, SPCK, 1968, pp. 17-21 and 29-35..
     [42]Eric A. Walker, A History of South Africa, London, Longmans, 1964, pp. 143-144.
     [43]Cf. Leonard Thompson, "The Great Trek, 1836-1854," in Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds, The Oxford History of South Africa, London, Oxford University Press, 1969, Vol. 1, pp. 405-425; and
Eric Anderson Walker, The Great Trek, London, Adam and Charles Black, 1938.
     [44]ibid, p. 182.
     [45]Cf. H.F. Schoon, ed., The Diary of Erasmus Smit, Cape Town, Struik, 1972.
     [46]Cf. Edwin W. Smith, the Life and Times of Daniel Lindley, 1801-1880, London, Epwroth Press, 1949.
     [47]For a critique of these books see the following reviews of The Puritans in Africa in, Africa, Vol. 48, No. 1, 1978; Ideology on a Frontier, in Christian Century, 19-26 June 1985; and The Thousand Generation Covenant in The Canadian Journal of African Studies, forthcoming.
     [48] Cf. André du Toit, "No Chosen People: The Myth of the Calvinist Origins of Afrikaner Nationalism and Racial Ideology," The American Historical Review, Vol. 88, No. 1, 1983, pp. 920-952; "Puritans in Africa? Afrikaner `Calvinism' and Kuyperian Neo-Calvinism in Late Nineteenth-Century South Africa," Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 27, No. 2, 1985, pp. 209-240; and "Captive to the Nationalist Paradigm: Prof. F.A. van Jaarsveld and the historical evidence for the Afrikaner's ideas on his Calling and Mission," South African Historical Journal, Vol 16, 1984, pp. 48-79.
     [49]Cf. Irving Hexham, The Irony of Apartheid: The Struggle for National Independence of Afrikaner Calvinism Against British Imperialism, New York, Edwin Mellen Press, 1981; "Modernity or Reaction in South Africa:  The Case of Afrikaner Religion", in Religion and Modernity, edited by William Nichols, Waterloo, Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1988, 62-88; "Dutch Calvinism and the Origins of Afrikaner Nationalism", African Affairs (London), Spring 1980, pp. 195-208.
     [50]Cited in R.C. Germond, Chronicles of Basutoland, Morija, Lesotho, Morija Sesuto Book Depot, 1967, p. 65.
     [51]Cited in Edwin W. Smith, The Life and Times of Daniel Lindley, 1801-1880, London, Epworth, 1949, p. 160. Although these comments refer to the Boers, Lindley met in Natal they are relevant here because most of these folk moved to
Transoranjia in 1843 after the British annexation.
     [52]Edward C. Tabler, ed., James Chapman, Travels in the Interior of South Africa, 1849-1863, Cape Town, A.A. Balkema, 1971, pp. 18.
     [53]Chapman, op cit, p. 20, date 1849. Boer dislike of missionaries is also commented on in p. 40 & 84.
     [54]Cf. D.J. Kotzé ed., Letters of the American Missionaries, 1835-1838, Cape Town, Van Riebeeck Society, 1950, p. 215, 230, & 262; Germond, 1967, p. 223; and J. Spiecker, Er führet mich auf rechter Strasse, Gütersloh, C. Bertelsmann, 1903, pp. 15 & 65.
     [55]Olive Schreiner,"His Tolerance," from "The Psychology of the Boer," first published in 1892, in Uys Krige, ed., Olive Schreiner: A Selection, Cape Town, Oxford University Press, 1968, p. 152.
     [56]Olive Schreiner, The Story of an African Farm, London, Collins, 1961, first published 1883.
     [57]Paul Kruger, translated by A. Teixeira de Mattos, The Memoirs of Paul Kruger: Four Times President of the South African Republic. Told by Himself,
London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1902,  p. 37.
     [58]I was given a very detailed account of these cures by a medical doctor whom I interviewed in 1971. At that time he was in his early
70's and still practising medicine on a part-time basis.
His parents were very prominent Afrikaners as are his children and sons-in-law. Therefore, he asked me to use a pseudonym, Dr. van Coy. His mother had been a traditional healer and he practised homeopathic healing alongside allopathic medicine. In answering my questions about traditional Afrikaner folk beliefs and folk medicine he was very careful to distinguish between beliefs and practices which his mother had used or said were used prior to the Second-Anglo Boer War and the development of medical practices throughout this century. Because of his own interest in the history of medicine and homeopathy he had kept meticulous records of conversations with his mother.
     [59]Cf. Henri A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe. Vol. II, Mental Life, New York, University Books, 1966, first published 1912, pp. 452-479. A.T. Bryant, Zulu Medicine and Medicine-men, Cape Town, C. Struik, 1966, is also helpful. The manuscript for this book appears to have been written by Bryant in the 1920's on the basis of his long experience in Zululand. Therefore it probably reflects practices common prior to 1910.
     [60]Peter Hadley, editor, Doctor to Basuto, Boer & Briton: 1877-1906. Memoirs of Dr. Henry Taylor, Cape Town, David Philip, 1972, p.
130. This comment is not dated but, in context, clearly comes from around 1885
from the Ficksburg area of the Orange Free State.
     [61]Isidore Frack, A South African Doctor Looks Backward-and Forward, Pretoria, Central News Agency, 1943.
     [62]ibid, p. 117. Frack is deliberately vague when writes about a small town he calls "Helfontein." Dates and anything which might identify people or the community are omitted. Nevertheless he appears to be talking about the Transvaal in the early part of this century.
     [63]Frack, 1942, p. 121.
     [64]Frack, 1942, p. 126. Numerous entries in the archives of the Gereformeerde Kerk prior to 1910 involve Afrikaners who were censured by the local Church Council for consulting "Malay doctors," "Slamaaiers," etc. These confirm the essential truth of Frack's story.
     [65]Frack, 1942, p. 127.
     [66]I gathered information on this topic while working on my Ph.D. thesis in South Africa, 1972-1974 and in 1981. At that time I was
interested in interviewing people who could remember life before the
period 1919. Because many elderly folk told what their parents had taught them on these matters I am confident that the picture I
am describing in accurate for before 1910.
     [67]Because some of the people involved in these affairs were still alive in the 1970's and many of their children and grandchildren still live in the same towns today I agreed not to disclose the location of these events. They can be found, however, by anyone who reads the minutes of various church councils of the Gereformeerde Kerk.
     [68]Provincial Synod of the Gereformeerde Kerk, Orange Free State, 1910, article 39; 1911, article 15.
     [69]Once again I agreed not to identify this man because although he is now dead his family still occupy a prominent place in Afrikaner society.
     [70]The best discussion of van Rensburg is to be found in Sybrand Botha's book Profeet en Krygsman: die Lewensverhaul van Siener van Rensburg, Johannesburg, Die Nationale Pers, n.d. - the book was probably published in the late 1930's or early 1940's.
     [71]D.W. Kruger, The Making of a Nation, London, Macmillan, 1969, pp. 84-87.
      Public Record Office, Colonial Office Papers: South Africa, 537/565, 11 November 1914.
     [73] A collection of these prophecies, old and new, can be seen in the Ossawa Brandwag Archives at the University of Potchefstroom. In recent years the memory of van Rensburg, who died in 1926, has been
revived through the circulation of stories about prophecies he is supposed to have made predicting such things as a Black government in Rhodesia and African armies invading South Africa. These
"prophecies" are particularly popular with supporters of the AWB.
     [74]My information on this came from a group of elderly predicants who told stories about their early days in the ministry and the folk-beliefs they encountered in rural areas. The stories dated from around 1918 but drew upon ideas which went back well into the 19th. century.
     [75]In 1981 I interviewed an Afrikaner woman who was 93 years old and still living alone who clearly held many of these beliefs although she acknowledged that she would never mention them to her predicant.
     [76]The record of this event is in the archives of the Gereformeerde Kerk in Potchefstroom. But, because the man's family are still
living in the same town I can give no further details.
     [77]du Plessis, The Life of Andrew Murray of South Africa, London, Marshall Brothers, 1919, p. 85; P. B. van der Watt, Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk, 1824-1905, Pretoria, N.G. Kerkboekhandel, 1980, pp. 51-57; D.T. Hanekom, ed., Ons Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk, Cape Town, N.G. Kerk-Uitgewers, pp. 132-200.
     [78]In 1857 John Murray was appointed the first professor of theology at the new Theological School and university college in Stellenbosch. Cf. P.B. van der Watt, John Murray, 1826-1882: Die Eerste Stellenbosse Professor, Pretoria, N.G. Kerkboekhandel, 1979
     [79]J.D. du Toit singled out holiness meetings for criticism in a series of articles and booklets because, in his view, they encouraged the Anglicization of Afrikaners. Cf. J.D. du Toit, De Streversvereeniging bevordeeld van Gereformeerd Standpunt, Potchefstroom, Potchefstroom Herald, 1905; and  De Christelijk Strevers Vereeniging - Antwoord, Pretoria, van Schik, 1906.
     [80]Cf. F.b. Meyer, A Winter in South Africa, London, National Council of Evangelical Free Churches, 1908, pp. 92, 101-103; and H.S. Bosman, Een Terugblik op Kerkelijke en Godsdienstige Toestanden in de Transvaal, Cape Town, Van de Sandt de Williers, 1923.
     [81]Cf. Davenport, South Africa: A Modern History, Toronto, Toronto University Press, 3rd. edition, 1987, p. 90; Engelbrecht, Geskiedenis von die Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk van Afrika, Cape Town, J.H. de Bussy, 1953, p. 216-248; Hanekom, Die Liberale Rigting in Suid-Afrika: 'n Kerkhistoriese Studie, Stellenbosch, CVS Boekhandel, 1952, pp. 186-189.
     [82]In fact it took a series of long court battles over doctrinal issues and more that ten years for the evangelicals to begin to regain their former power.
     [83]Cf. du Plessis, 1919, pp. 287-329.
     [84]Cf. S.P. Engelbrecht, Geskiedenis van die Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk van Afrika, Pretoria, J.H. de Bussy, 1953; Hinchliff, 1968, p.61; J. du Plessis, 1919, pp.l39-141; Walker, 1964, A History of Southern Africa, p.266; T.R.H. Davenport, South Africa: A Modern History, Toronto, University of
Toronto Press, Third Edition, 1987, pp. 86-89.
     [85]Protestant theologians who rejected Christian orthodoxy were initially called "rationalists" or "liberals" because of their commitment to "modern thought." Later, during the 1860's, in the Netherlands and South Africa the term "moderns," later the term "modernist" came into use. Abraham Kuyper seems to have popularized the use of "modernist," in the English-speaking theological world, to identify advocates of liberal theology in his 1898 Stone Lectures at Princeton University (Cf. du Plessis 1919:190, 212 & 235; Andrew Murray, A Lecture on the Modern Theology, Cape Town, Pike and Byles, 1868, the Dutch title of this work was Het Moderne Ongeloof, i.e. Modern Unbelief; Thodore Christlieb, tr. H.U. Weitbrecht, Modern Doubt and Christian Belief, New York, Scribner, Armstrong and Co., 1874; and Abraham Kuyper, Lectures on Calvinism, Grand Rapids, Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1931, pp. 19-40.
     [86]His "liberalism" and theological views were strongly attacked by Frans Lion Cachet, Davenport, 1987, p. 90.
     [87]Hinchliff, The Church in South Africa, London, SPCK, 1968, p. 62.
     [88]J. du Plessis, 1919, p. 144; Hinchliff, 1968, p. 62-63.
     [89]Cf. J.P. Jooste, Die Geskiedenis van die Gereformeerde Kerk in Suid Afrika, 1859-1959, Potchefstroom, The Potchefstroom Herald, 1959; Hinchliff, 1968, pp. 63-64.
     [90]van der Vyver, 1958, pp.l77-187 and 223-226. Today, President F.W. de  Klerk is a member of the Gereformeerde Kerk.
     [91]Cf. B. Spoelstra, Die "Doppers" in Suid-Afrika 1760-1899, Kaapstad, Nasionale Boekhandl, 1963.
     [92]An international assembly of Calvinist theologians held at Dortrecht in the Netherlands, 1618-1619 which resulted in a document known as the Canons of Dort where the so-called five points of Calvinism were articulated. These "points" or distinctives of faith are: 1)Total depravity - humans are unable to turn to God
by their own power; 2) Unconditional election - faith is a free gift of God; 3) Limited atonement - the saving efficacy of Christ's death applies only to believers; 5) Irresistible grace - when the Holy Spirit calls a person to salvation they cannot but respond; 5) Preservation of the saints - once a person receives saving grace they cannot fall from grace.
     [93]Cf. W. Postma, Doppers, Bloemfontein, Het Westen, 1918, pp. 11-16.
     [94]Cf. van der Vyver, 1958, pp.202-244; B. Spoelstra, Die "Doppers" in Suid-Afrika, 1760-1899, Cape Town, Nasionale Boekhandle, 1963. Church historians differ in their interpretation of the events that led to the founding of the Gereformeerde Kerk but the account given here seems
substantially correct: see van der Vyver, 1958, pp.l77-267; Engelbrecht, 1953, pp. l41-166; Hinchliff, 1968, pp.63-64. 6. Spoelstra, 1963, pp.l-168. Gereformeerde Kerk Almanak for 1868 and 1899.
     [95]For a discussion of the church's early role in promoting a sense of national identity and the ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism see I Hexham, 1981. In addition to establishing numerous junior schools and a few high schools Postma and Cachet also founded a Theological School and Liberal Arts College in Burgersdorp. This institution eventually became Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education.
     [96]Cf. du Plessis, 1919, pp. 182-36, 311-329, 394-413.
     [97]du Plessis, 1919, pp. 414-434, 353-393; for a strong attack on these attitudes, in which English Methodism is identified as the root cause of the problem, see: V.E. d'Assonville, ed., Totius: Versamelde Werk, Cape Town, Tafelberg, 1987, vol. 6, pp. 129-325.
     [98]This strange paradox of a church which produced the most radical theology but political reaction is commented on briefly by John de Gruchy, in The Church Struggle in South Africa, Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1979, pp. 20-21, & 76. It should be noted, however, that a similar situation occurred in Nazi Germany, Cf. George L. Mosse, The Making of the German Ideology, New York, Schocken Books, 1981, p. 46.
     [99]After 1915 members of the Gereformeerde Kerk continued to play an important role in the Nationalist movement and, from 1927 on, its University College in Potchefstroom became the centre of Broederbond activity. But, in general, the
church as a church withdrew from direct political activity and its official publications, although remaining highly sympathetic to Afrikaner Nationalism, took a less direct role in the Nationalist movement. The main
reason for this change appear to be the appearance of secular newspapers
supported by Afrikaner Nationalists beginning in 1915.
     [100]Condensed Report of the Statistical Committee of the United Missionary Conference, Lovedale, Mission Press, 1889.
     [101]This survey shows that in 1883 various missions reported the following: date of founding (F), numbers of mission stations (MS), missionaries (M), Black evangelists (BE) and Black converts (C).
Anglican, in Orange Free State: F-1863, MS-8, M-8, BE-unknown; C-922 Black converts. In the Transvaal: F-1878; MS-2; M-unknown; BE-unknown; C-26.
Berlin Missionary Society, in the Orange Free State: F-1834; MS-5; M-5; BE-5; C-2,628. In the Transvaal: F-1865; MS-23; M-24; BE-45; C-6198.
Dutch Reformed Church in the Transvaal, F-early in the century; MS-7; M-5; BE-unknown; C-360.
French Calvinists in the Orange Free State: F-1860; MS-1; M-1; BE-unknown; C-unknown.
Hermansburg Mission in the Transvaal: F-1854; MS-24; M-28; BE-25; C-8,148.
Rhenish Mission on the borders of the Cape and Orange Free State:  F-early 1830's; MS-9; M-9; BE-9; C-3108.
Swiss Mission in the Transvaal: F-1875; MS-3; M-3; BE-3; C-152.
Wesleyan Missions, in the Orange Free State: F-1820's; MS-17;  M-unknown; BE-unknown; C-3101. In the Transvaal: F-1860's; MS-3; M-unknown; BE-unknown; C-300.
     [102]Todate relatively little has been published about or even by the wives of nineteenth century missionaries. This is surely a fruitful area for future research.
     [103]It is important to recognize that the criticism of nineteenth century missions and missionary methods is not restricted to the secular press. Many evangelical writers, like Charles Kraft and members of the Fuller School of Church Growth, are among the severest critics of missions.
     [104]James Stewart, Dawn in the Dark Continent, Edinburgh, Oliphant Anderson & Ferrier, 1906, first published 1903.
     [105]ibid, pp. 292-297 & 307-328.
     [106]Cf. Rodney Stark and Lynne Roberts, "The Arithmetic of Social Movements: Theoretical Implications," Sociological Analysis, Vol 43, No. 1, 1982, pp. 53-67. Stark and Roberts, 1982, "a lack of awareness of the arithmetic of growth rates often has obscured the vision not only of social scientists studying social movements, but, more importantly, the vision of the movement founders and their first generation of followers." Ibid p. 53. To demonstrate their point they cite a new religion that, after 20 years of hard labour, has fewer than 4,000 converts. The founder and early converts may then lose hope. They have projected from past to future growth, assuming that in another twenty years they will have only 4000 converts.  Actually, if the early growth continued at its previous rate of 30 percent {per year?}, the membership in twenty years would be more than 70,000, ibid p. 54.
     [107]Founded by Ludwig Harms (1808-1865) in the German town of Hermannsburg in 1849 the mission was supported by the Lutheran churches of Hanover. Initially its missionaries were sent out in groups to found "mission colonies" which could teach European skills to local peoples and an example of Christian living. In general
their missionaries were poorly educated people drawn from the German working class.
     [108]Cf. Fritz Hasselhorn, Bauernmission in Südafrika: Die Hermannsburger Mission im Spannungsfeld der Kolonialolitik, 1880-1939, Erlangen, Verlag der Ev.-Luth, Mission, 1986 p. 128.
     [109]Cf. Stark and Roberts, 1982, pp. 60-61. For an extensive discussion of church growth and growth rates in the context of
American society, which challenges many of the "certainties" of American church history on the basis of statistical analysis, see Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990, New Jersey, Rutgers University Press, 1992.
     [110]The Plymouth Brethren came into existence in 1827/8 and sent their first missionary overseas in 1828. They sent their first missionaries to Transoranjia in the 1850's. Cf. Roy Coad, A History of the Brethren Movement, Exeter, Paternoster Press, 1968, pp. 28-29 & 203.
     [111]One of the most entertaining books about missionary activity in Africa is Thinking Black, London, Morgan and Scott, 1912, written by the veteran Brethren missionary Dan Crawford.
     [112]Cf. Edwin W. Smith, Aggrey of Africa: A Study in
  Black and White, London, SCM, 1929, pp. 164-184.
     [113]This was a local missionary society founded in 1896 by a Natal lawyer, A.W. Baker (?).
     [114]Founded in 1904.
     [115]Founded by the Reformed Churches of the Canton of Vaud, Switzerland, in 1869 this mission was supported by various French churches and in 1883 by the Free Churches of Neuchatel and Geneva when it changed its name to the Mission Romande. The original society worked in Transoranjia from its inception.
     [116]Mission work by the Dutch Reformed Church began in 1857 but was very slow to develop even though it had the enthusiastic support of church leaders like Andrew Murray.
     [117]Anglican missions began in South Africa in the 1821 with an abortive attempt to convert Africans in the Cape. This was followed by a
short lived Zulu mission in the 1830's supported by the Church Missionary Society which had been founded in 1799. Further Anglican missions followed in the Cape and Natal. Missionary work in Transoranjia was, however, very slow to develop.
     [118]Roman Catholic mission activity was restricted by various government decrees until 1905. Therefore, Roman Catholic missions were very slow to develop in Transoranjia.
     [119]Cf. W.E. Brown, The Catholic Church in South Africa: From its Origins to the Present Day, New York, P.J Kennedy & Sons, 1960, pp. 170-193.
     [120]James Steward, Dawn in the Dark Continent, Edinburgh, Oliphant Anderson & Ferrier, 1906, p. 127-133.
     [121]Peter Hinchliff, The Anglican Church in South Africa, London, Darton, Longman, & Todd, 1963, pp. 75-81, 153-166, and 179-205; Edwin Farmer, The Transvaal as a Missionfield, London, Wells Gardner, Darton & Co., 1900.
     [122]Warneck, who was professor of theology at the University of Halle is credited with founding the modern study of missions and missiology.
     [123]Gustav Warneck, History of Protestant Missions, Edinburgh and London, Oliphant Anderson & Ferrier, 1901, p. 219.
     [124]Steward, 1906, p. 140.
     [126]Wesleyan missions grew out of English Methodism which reached Southern Africa early in the nineteenth century. Because of the peculiarities of Methodist preaching and reliance upon lay participation it is very difficult to say exactly when they began work in South Africa as du Plessis correctly recognizes, op. cit. p. 294.
     [127]W.J. Gordon Mears, Methodism in the Transvaal, np., np., 1972, p. 2-3.
     [128]De Maandode, 15 September, 1897; Kuyper, 1900, pp. 20-27; Gereformeerde Kerk, Algermene Vergadering Notule, Transvaal 1910, art. 49.
     [129]Cf. Abraham Kuyper The South African Crisis, translated by A.E. Fletcher, London, Stop the War Committee, 1900, pp. 72-75.
     [130]Cf. J.D. Du Toit, Die Methodisme, first published 1903, in Totius: Versamelde Werke, edited by V.E. d'Assonville, Cape Town, Tafelberg, 1977, Vol. 6, pp. 129-240.
     [131]It is common for Afrikaners to argue that the Boers did not object to missions as such but only to English missionaries with their imperialistic attitudes. Cf. D.W. van der Merwe, Die geskiedenis van die Berlynse Sending-genootskap in Transvaal, 1860-1900, Pretoria, Die Staatsdrukker, 1984, and Die Berlynse Sending-genootskap en Kerkstigting in Transvaal, 1904-1962, Pretoria, Die Staatsdrukker, 1987. While it is possible to support such a view from German mission records a closer reading shows that, in private at least, they were highly critical of Boer policy and attitudes. But, because the German missionaries felt they were barely tolerated and under constant pressure to conform to Boer demands they were very careful in what they said and to whom they voiced criticism of the Boers.
     [132]For this section I acknowledge the help of my  wife, Professor Karla Poewe with German materials and  Markus Nietzke who gave me some invaluable insights and very kindly obtained a number of rare
texts for me during a visit to Germany.
     [133]J. Murray Mitchell, ed., The Religious Condition of Christendom, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1880, p. 358.
     [134]Founded by a German pietist group of laymen in the town of Elberfeld on the Rhine in 1799 and largely dependent on lay support it's first missionaries reached South Africa in 1829. Rhenish missionaries operated on the borders of Transoranjia from 1836 onwards originally entering the area as itinerant preachers.
     [135]Founded in Berlin by 1824 by a group of pious scholars, including Professors Johann Neander (1789-1850) and Freiderich Tholuck (1799-1877), the society had strong church support. It sent out well educated missionaries who attempted, often with great success, to establish viable Christian communities composed of local converts who were taught trades and given a thorough education.
     [136]Cf. D.W. van der Merwe, Die geskiedenis van die Berlynse Sending-genootskap in Transvaal, 1860-1900, Pretoria, Die Staatsdrukker, 1984; and Die Berlynse Sending-genootskap en Kerkstigting in Transvaal, 1904- 1962, Pretoria, Die Staatsdrukker, 1987. Both volumes are in the South African Archives Yearbook series. Although this is a very useful history the author tends to play down German criticism of the Boers and writes as a church historian more interested in theological than social issues. van
der Merwe's style is in sharp contrast to Fritz Hasselhorn's, Bauernmission in Südafrika: Die Hermannsburger Mission im Spannungsfeld der Kolonialpholitik, 1880-1939, Erlangen, Verlag der Ev.-Luth, Mission, 1986, which deals with the Hermannsburg mission from the viewpoint of a secular social historian.
     [137]Following the death of Ludwig Harms in 1865 a schism occurred which led to the establishment of the Free Church of Hanover. In 1890 the majority of these secessionists rejoined the state church. A smaller
group, however, continued to support the Free Church. As a result of these theological schisms several Hermansburg missionaries in South Africa left the mission and formed a new one with Free Church support calling it the Hanoverian Free Church Mission which was founded in 1890. The history of the Hanoverian Mission is to be found in Georg Haccius,
Hannoversche Missionsgeschichte, Hermannsburg, Druck und Verlag der Missionhausluug, 1920.
     [138]Cf. Hasselhorn, 1988, pp. 99, 214-215.
     [139]Cf. Hesselhorn, 1988, pp. 53 & 65; Richter, 1924, pp. 230, 232 & 373.
     [140] D. Julius Richter, Geschichte der Berliner Missionsgesellschaft, 1824-1924, Berlin, Verlag der Buchhndlung der Berliner ev. Missionsgesellschaft, 1924, p. 221, 230, & 232.
     [141]Cf. Hasselhorn, 1986, p. 53 ; Spiecker, 1903, p. 15.
     [142]Cf. James Johnson, ed., Report of the Centenary Conference of the Protestant Missions of the World held in Exeter Hall (June 9th.-19th) London 1888, London, James Nisbet & Co., 1889, pp. 306-308; Spiecker, 1903, pp. 26-27; Richter, 1924, pp. 233-236.
     [143]The most telling example is Richter's description of the growth and decline of Botshabelo (Richter, 1924, pp. 233-342). This mission town grew from 867 baptised Christians in 1868 to 2,747 in 1892. It featured modern methods of farming, a church school store, printing press, smith and wheelwright. Richter describes it as a "cultural oasis" (p. 233-234) because of the many admirable achievements of Black converts in education and the arts. Soon, however, as a result of external pressures and the failure of its people to find acceptance outside the mission confines, it was plagued by secessions. As a result its remaining population reverted to African farming techniques and cattle keeping (p. 241).
     [144]Cf. Hasselhorn, 1988, p. 100 ; Richter, 1924, p. 371.
     [145]According to Roger Wagner ample evidence exists in the Transvaal Archives to show that these charges were correct - private communication.
     [146]Richter, p. 367. This incident is depicted in the film Australian Breaker Morant.
     [147]Cf. Hasselhorn, 1986, pp. 65-68; and Richter, 1924, p. 367.
     [148]Cf. Irving Hexham, ed., Texts on Zulu Religion, Lewiston, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1987, pp. 411-429.
     [149]The Hermannsburg missionaries were the worst paid receiving, when it actually materialized, which it often didn't, $150 per year, in
1899, other German missionaries received around $250, while British missionaries were in the $400 range. By contrast ministers of the Afrikaans churches received around $600 per year.
     [150]Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge, "Networks of Faith: Interpersonal Bonds and Recruitment to Cults and Sects," American Journal of Sociology, 1980, Vol. 85, pp. 1376-1395.
     [151]Peter Hinchliff, The Church in South Africa, London, SPCK, 1968, p. 72.
     [152]Cf. Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America 1772-1990. Winners and Losers in our Religious Economy, New Brunswick, New Jersey, Rutgers University Press, 1992, with
Oosthuizen and Hexham eds.,  Afro-Christian Religion at the
Grassroots in Southern Africa, Lewiston, Edwin Mellen Press, 1991.
     [153]Cf. Charles Henry Robinson, The Conversion of Europe, London, Longman, Green and Co., 1917, n.b. pp. 348-436.