Return to NURELWEB or ACADEMIC ARTICLES or AFRICA PAPERS
HENRY CALLAWAY,
RELIGION, AND RATIONALISM
IN NINETEENTH
CENTURY MISSION HISTORY
BY
IRVING
HEXHAM
[From: Missionsgeschichte Kirchengeschichte Weltgeschichte, edited by
Ulrich van der Heyden and Heike Liegau, Stuttagart, Franz Steiner Varlag,
1996:439-449]
INTRODUCTION:
Since the beginning of
the modern missionary movement[1]
missionaries have been scorned by polite and educated society. As Max Warren points out, as early as 1808,
the Anglican divine and essayist "Sidney Smith even queried whether a
missionary could look a gentleman in the face."[2]
To Smith missionaries were troublemakers drawn from the lower orders of society
who simply disrupted the peace of Britain's Indian empire.[3]
Today popular opinions about missionaries have not changed very much. Ask any group of Canadian undergraduate
students to describe their view of missionaries in the past and you will get an
identikit descriptions something like this "nineteenth century missionaries
were bigots who destroy native cultures. They were religious fanatics who
supported imperialism and completely misunderstood the peoples among whom they
lived. They preached a `gospel' which none of their hearers really understood
although many people became `converts' because the missionaries were able to
supply them with free food and other goods. They were fundamentalists who
believed in the devil and demons. Therefore, instead of appreciating the good
in other religions they rejected everything and forced people to abandon
ancient traditions because they thought they were demonic. In short
missionaries were unpleasant half-educated people tried to force Western
religion and values on the rest of the world."[4]
What is intriguing about
these views is that while most scholars do not share such simplistic ideas,
particularly about imperialism, they often share the view that nineteenth
century Christian missionaries were fundamentalists who saw non-Western
cultures in demonic terms. Certainly, without studying the topic it is easy to
assume that because they tended to come from the evangelical or High Church
wing of Christianity nineteenth century missionaries were fundamentalists in
outlook. It is also tempting to accept the idea that fundamentalists who accept
the Bible as "the Word of God," and staunchly defend the historicity
of miracles, the resurrection, and such doctrines as the virgin birth, also
hold a strong demonology.
References by nineteenth
century missionaries, fundamentalists[5]
and evangelicals about the cosmic nature of salvation and the activity of the
devil in leading souls astray leads one to assume that demons played an
important role in missionary accounts of non-Christian cultures. It comes as a
surprise, therefore, to discover that in general references to cosmic evil and
the role of the devil in seducing mankind from the service of God do not
automatically lead to belief in the immediate activity of demons in daily life.
Instead the study of nineteenth century missionary literature, journals, and
other records reveal a remarkably consistent rationalism when it comes to
explaining the nature and origin of other religions. Unless this is recognized
the full significance of Henry Callaway's work will not be understood.
Today, books like Frank
Peretti's bestselling This Present Darkness[6]
depict a cosmic struggle in which angels and devils actively intervene in human
affairs. In this cosmology non-Christian religions arise out of the rebellion
of Satan against God and are truly demonic. Reading a book like this makes it
easy to mistakenly think that nineteenth century evangelicals missionaries
would have held similar views. In fact they did not.
The uniform reaction of
missionaries in nineteenth century South Africa is to describe African
religions as "superstitions." African religions are roundly condemned
by the missionaries but not because the believe in spiritual forces have
created them. Rather, they see traditional beliefs as evidence of gross
ignorance and social decline. The American missionary Joseph Tyler summed up
the generally held view of his fellow missionaries when he wrote in his book 40
Years Among the Zulus which was published in 1891. Tyler writes "Zulu
superstitions are legion..."[7] Similarly, Charles Brownlee, a missionary to
the Xhosa who later became a local magistrate, could write "During my
first appointment with judicial authority over the Gaikas, I had a good many
cases of witchcraft before me...In all cases I instituted an enquiry as to
whether witchcraft really existed...Of course they failed in every instance to
prove their case..."[8]
Later Brownlee also
commented "[t]his is a matter which has perplexed missionary as well as
Government officials. All regard the influence of superstition as an evil...the
question has...been asked how the evil is to be dealt with and
eradicated."[9] To this
question he admitted he had no answer.
It is important to note
that neither of these men appealed to a supernatural source to explain
witchcraft and superstition. Neither, did any other missionary whom I have
read. Usually,[10] nineteenth
century missionaries in South Africa approached African beliefs and society as
nineteenth century rationalists.
Whatever they may have preached about the origins of Christianity they
all shared a common belief that the age of miracles was over and the world was
governed by God's natural law.[11]
As a result African religions, like all non-Christian religions, were explained away as either the remnants
of a lost faith of Jewish of Christian origin or simply superstition.[12]
Henry Callaway, whose views will now be discussed, was a different. He did not
condemn African religions as demonic, but neither did he think they were simply
the result of ignorance.
HENRY CALLAWAY:
MISSIONARY EXTRAORDINARY:
Henry Callaway was
arguably the most remarkable missionary to work in Southern Africa during the
nineteenth century. He was also one of the fathers of the modern Charismatic
movement. Until recently the importance of his work has been completely
overlooked by theologians and church historians.
Callaway was born in
Lymington, Somerset, England, on the 17th. of January 1817 and died at Otterly
St. Mary, Devonshire, England, on March 26th. 1890. The son of a bootmaker who
eventually became a Customs and Excise official he was educated at Crediton
Grammar School. When he was sixteen he became a school teacher in Heavitree
where his headmaster was a Quaker. As a result of their interaction the young
Callaway was attracted to the Society of Friends subsequently became the
private tutor to a Quaker family in Shropshire.[13]
In 1837, following the
death of his mother, he joined the Society of Friends. At the same time he abandoned teaching to
become an apprentice druggist in Bridgewater. While there he studied chemistry
and medicine. In 1839 he moved to Tottenham where he became an assistant to a
surgeon and in 1841 began to study medicine at St. Bartholemew's hospital,
London, he qualified as a medical doctor 1844.
He began practicing
medicine in London and married Ann Chalk in 1845. Seven years later, in 1852, after the tragic death of their two
children, he developed tuberculosis. On the advice of his doctor he went to
France to regain his health. During this period he sought to resolve
longstanding doubts about Quaker teachings by reading widely in theology. The
effect was to convince him that the Quaker's were misguided in many things and
clearly wrong in the understanding of the Christian ministry. As a result he wrote in his journal on 12
December 1852, "I am no longer a Quaker."[14]
Returning to Britain in
May 1853 he graduated with an M.D. from King's College, Aberdeen, joined the
Anglican church, and offered himself for missionary service with the Natal
Mission headed by Bishop Colenso. He was ordained deacon in Norwich Cathedral
on August 13th. 1854 and travelled with Colenso to South Africa.
Three years later was
ordained priest in Pietermaritzburg and the following year commissioned by
Colenso to found a mission station. Springvale, near Richmond in Southern
Natal. He remained there until 1873 when he was appointed the first missionary
Bishop of the Anglican Diocese of Kaffraria which later became St. John's
Diocese. Callaway moved to what is now the Transkei where he eventually
established his headquarters in Umtata. After a period of intense missionary
activity he had a stroke in 1880 eventually retiring to England in 1887 where
he died at Ottery St. Mary in 1890.
During his long life
Callaway was the author of a number of important books and articles. His
earliest works, which arose out of his Quaker experience, included two
theological works, Immediate Revelation (1841),[15]
The Way to Christ (1844), which were written before he became an
Anglican or a missionary.
Later he was responsible
for translating most of the Bible (1883) and the Anglican Book of Common Prayer
(1882) into Zulu and was a major collector of Zulu folk tales and history. He
published these under the titles Nursery Tales, Traditions and Histories of
the Zulus in their own words (1868),[16]
and The Religious System of the AmaZulu (1870).[17]
On a more polemical note
he attacked Bishop Colenso's views about polygamy in his book Polygamy: A
Bar to Admission to the Christian Church (1862).[18]
In this work he argued that while Colenso's views sounded compassionate when he
pleaded for the toleration of polygamy among existing polygamists they were
entirely theoretical and showed acquaintance with the practice in reality.
After become Bishop of
Kaffiria he wrote a major pamphlet on missionary attitudes to African religions
A Fragment on Comparative Religion (1874)[19]
which he followed up two years later with On the Religious Sentiment Amongst
the Tribes of South Africa (1876)[20]
where he displayed a remarkable sympathy for African beliefs. His other South
African publications include The Good Tidings of Great Joy (1854)[21],
The Last Word of "Modern Thought" (1866)[22],
Some Remarks on the Zulu Language (1870)[23],
A Sermon on the Ordination of Two Natives (1872)[24],
Kaffraria Church Mission (1874)[25],
and Missionary Sermons (1875)[26],
From Pondoland to Cape Town and Back (1877)[27],
A Brief Account of the Kaffraria Church Mission From 1874-1877 (1877).[28] In addition to these books and pamphlets
Callaway published various articles including "Some Points of
Correspondence between the Folk Lore of Central Africa and that of the Kafirs
and Chaldea,"(1879),[29]
and "Some Problems in Mission Work" (1880).[30]
CALLAWAY'S EARLY
WRITINGS:
What is remarkable about
Callaway's first three books is the emphasis he places on the work of the Holy
Spirit and his strong conviction of the ever present reality of God's Spirit.
Significantly his biographer Marian Benham,[31]
the daughter of an Anglican vicar, only hints at these works emphasizing
instead the break he made with the Quakers.
Yet a careful reading of
the extracts Benham uses from Callaway's journal to explain why he left the
Quakers reveals that his major objection to Quaker theology was not the
appreciation of early members of the Society of Friends of direct communion
with God through the Holy Spirit but the fact that he:
...came to the conclusion
without the shadow of a doubt that God has ordained that they who preach the
Gospel shall live of the Gospel!...This conclusion was, as it were, a striking
away of the foundation of the ministry according to the opinion of Friends...I
make this record to state it as my firm belief that through Quakerism my
services as a minister of the Gospel have been lost...[32]
Yet having said this and
after asking God to help him "become connected with some other
Church..."[33] he went on
to write:
I still believe, and most
joyfully an consolingly lay hold of the truth; that God's Spirit is given to
His ministers...that certain impressions on my mind were produced by the Holy
Spirit...[34]
From this it becomes
clear that, using modern terminology, Callaway found the Quakers to be too
fundamentalist in the sense of being sectarian.[35]
As a result he found in his reading of Calvin, Hooker and Anglican theology a
wider appreciation of the work of the Spirit within the Church.[36]
Yet, nowhere in his later writings does Callaway repudiate his earlier
works. What he does is to set his early
views in the context of the larger Christian tradition where they take on a
deeper meaning.
What he does is to
interpret his return to Anglicanism as an affirmation of his earliest views
which originated with his conversion:
My present views are
more those of my first religious impressions; it really seems as if the life of
those young days was renewed, as I again open my eyes to the light of the Holy
Spirit which shines through, not independent of, the Scriptures...[37]
In other words Callaway
felt that he was returning to an experiential reality which he had sought in
the Quakers, but failed to find. Indeed, the very purpose he had in mind in
writing his early books was to revive Quakerism by returning it to its roots in
the experience of the Holy Spirit. In Immediate Revelation he had written:
George Fox was raised up
in the seventeenth century...He was led by the belief, that man by wisdom
cannot know God, nor call Jesus Lord but by the Holy Spirit...[38]
The reason for this, in
God's providence, Callaway claimed was:
the early Friends were
raised up to preach,...Christianity was a practical and not a national
religion...they felt it was their duty to press after a realizing sense of the
promises made by the Lord, through His ancient prophets, and by Christ himself,
and which with the Scriptures abundantly testify to have been experience and
enjoyed by the early church. Believing,
therefore, in the continuance of immediate and perceptible spiritual influence...[39]
As a result when
Callaway's early books are read alongside his later writings it becomes quite
clear that on issues like the work of the Holy Spirit in individual lives,
God's revelatory powers, and the essential nature of religious experience he
remained consistent throughout his adult life. Indeed his later writings make
no sense without the earlier ones which lay the foundation upon which he
predicated his view of religion. Callaway, recognized this and stressed the
continuity of his ideas, when, speaking about the time before he became an
Anglican, he wrote in his 1874 pamphlet, A Fragment on Comparative Religion:
about thirty years
ago...I read the narrative of "Moffat's Missionary Labours in South
Africa" and was startled by the statements I there found on the subject of
the atheism of the natives of those parts...It was my belief at that time-a
belief that all investigations since have most fully corroborated, there is no
people so degraded or dark among which there does not shine some spark of
religious light...[40]
CALLAWAY'S GLOBAL VIEW
OF RELIGION:
From the time he began
to question Quaker exclusiveness Callaway developed a toleration of other
religious beliefs which led him first to accept Roman Catholics and then
members of other religious traditions. While staying in Paris in October 1852
he wrote:
Let us not judge one
another any more. I have my errors, the Roman Catholic has his...so I would
trust that the same all-merciful and all knowing Lord will not allow the errors
of education and prejudice, the deadening influence of an external formalism,
to mar in any Roman Catholic brother the work of grace...[41]
Twenty-four years later
he could say in connection with his sympathy for Zulu religion:
There may be great error
in the religious system and its dogmata,-great superstition and follies taught
by the priests, and set forth in his book and symbolized in his ritual; but
they are the outcome not the cause of man's natural religion.[42]
And speaking about Zulu
religion in particular he added:
I have had, now for many
years, an opportunity for investigating this intensely interesting question
"in remote and untraveled places,"-in converse with savage men, in
daily very intimate association with them...From my own enquiries amongst the
Zulus and natives of Natal, I conclude that the Kafirs manifest as distinctly
as other people the existence of the religious sentiment...[43]
All of this was true
because, as he had argued two years earlier in A Fragment on Comparative
Religion:
The Church is God's
messenger. But He has other messengers besides. There are still created things
testifying,-still the law written in the hearts of men,-still the ever-present,
ever-working Spirit of God...[44]
THE WORK OF GOD'S HOLY
SPIRIT:
Callaway's view, that
God is at work among all peoples, was squarely based on his belief in the
reality of the Holy Spirit and God's active work in individual lives. Was first
developed in terms of his highly charismatic understanding of the work of the
Holy Spirit found in his 1841 publication Immediate Revelation where he
writes that among the ancient Hebrews:
people were not excluded
from immediate communication with the Lord, but visions, dreams, and direct
intimations from the Holy Spirit were appointed to teach individuals...[45]
Later, commenting on
Acts 2.37-38, he applied his understanding of continuing revelatory experiences
to the Christian church:
If any language is
capable of proving that the gift of the Spirit, was to continue with the church
of Christ for ever, that language is before us...[46]...the
Holy Spirit was poured out not only on the day of Pentecost on the apostles,
but on the believing Gentiles, and also on others...[47]...The
reception of the Holy Spirit was the seal of discipleship[48]
Explaining what this
meant in practice, Callaway explained:
To the apostles and
prophets, by whom the Gospel was preached, the Holy Spirit was the primary
guide to truth...The revelations which were made to the apostles did not annul
those which the Holy Spirit had given to others...[49]
Thus because Callaway
believed that the Holy Spirit is an ever present reality in the life of the
Christian he was prepared to accept the validity of religious experiences, such
as dreams and visions, normally scorned by other missionaries. At this point it
is vital to realize that Callaway did not limit such experiences to the past,
nor to his own experience among the Quakers. Rather, preaching to prospective
missionaries at Canterbury in 1875 the chose the text:
Isaiah
vi, 8
"I
have heard the voice of the Lord, saying, `whom shall I send, and who will go
for us?' Then said I, `Here am I; send me."
But,
instead of using this text, like many missionaries to appeal for new workers,
Callaway concentrated on the experience of the vision of God telling them:
Let
us not imagine that Isaiah's vision was something unique, - something for him
alone, - something too high and holy and wonderful and supernatural to be thus
spoken of; something that happened in times of long ago, but which it is
unreasonable to expect now, in these days of a completed canon of revelation,
and a more perfectly organized Church.[50]
Rather,
he told his hearers:
The
day of Christ is that of special an abiding presence and outpouring of the Holy
Ghost upon man...[51]
Later
in the same sermon he adds:
Now
it is just an experience of this kind which is the most effectual preparation
for qualifying any of us to become ministers and messengers of the Gospel.[52]
Callaway
repeatedly makes it very clear that his belief in God's present reality was
based on his own experience. Writing in his tract The Last Word of "Modern
Thought" in 1866 he had said:
He
who has once known God in his heart of hearts,-who has fed to his soul's
refreshing on the Bread of life,-can less easily doubt that God is with them,
and that Christ is in his life, that he himself has no existence and that the
great universe is a silent blank of desolation and death[53]
HENRY
CALLAWAY'S REJECTION OF RATIONALISM:
Callaway's
views about the working of the Holy Spirit in individual lives naturally led
him to appreciate the religious experience of his converts which he often
commented on in his writings.[54]
At the same time his interest in folklore led him to encourage Africans to
recount their religious experiences whatever they might be. As a result when he
recorded examples of "dreams" in his The Religious System of the
AmaZulu he included examples of the effect of dreams on both non-Christian and
Christian Zulu.
Commenting
on the way African Christians experienced the supernatural through dreams
Callaway wrote:
The
reader will see repeated in these narrations the experiences of St Antony,
Hilarion, and other early saints.[55]
This
judgment on African Christian spirituality fitted well with his missionary
approach which began by approaching non-Christians by approaching the African
from within his own tradition. Callaway
writes:
There
is so broad a gulf between the heathen Kaffir and the Christian mode of thought
that it requires the utmost patience and tact to gain his ear...But speak to
him from `prophets of his own'- show him that underneath their tradition there
is a wonderful substratum of truth-show that their own ancients knew more...you
are then meeting them on there own ground...[56]
In
taking this approach he recognized that what he did and taught would be
re-interpreted by Africans in their own ways commenting:
It
is a curious psychological study to see into what strange combinations they
place the new thoughts [with] their old notions...[57]
Therefore,
Callaway acknowledged that for missionaries to be successful they must:
...teach them the Gospel of which he
is the professed minister in intelligible and proper language, free from
Anglicisms or an English mode of thought in Zulu garb. And in the matter of prayer especially, let
him study the Zulu language and the Zulu mind...[58]
Henry
Callaway left South Africa in 1887 the five years after Nehemiah Tile seceded
from Methodism to found the Tembu National Church.[59]
Unfortunately, we have no record of Callaway's reaction to this event. What we do know is that a few years later a
Dutch Reformed missionary, Petrus Louis Le Roux (1864-19 ) who had thoroughly mastered the Zulu
language[60] developed
an interest in spiritual healing during the 1890's through the influence of
Andrew Murray (1828-1916)[61]
which he began to spread among his Zulu congregation.[62]
To cut a long story short Sundkler argues that this interest and Le Roux's
teachings stimulated both the growth of African Independent Churches and
Pentecostalism in South Africa.[63] Eighty years later another South African,
David du Plessis, spread the Pentecostal experience to American Roman Catholics
thus beginning the Charismatic revival of the 1960's.[64]
While
the influence of du Plessis on American religion generally accepted what is not
recognized, nor even researched, is the possibility of earlier charismatic
influences on Americans, especially Blacks, from Southern Africa in the
nineteenth century. The impression given in Sundkler's book is that both
African Independent Churches and South African Pentecostalism grew out of
religious movements in the 1880's and 1890's which had both South African and
American roots. Todate no one has explored the possibility that charismatic
movements existed among Black converts prior to the 1880's or that these might
have been spread to America, Europe and other regions before the Azuza Street
revival of 1906. Yet it is precisely this conclusion which the evidence
suggests.
Outrageous
as this thesis may sound there is considerable circumstantial evidence to
support the idea. From Henry Callaway's writings it is clear that his approach
to missionary work encouraged just those aspects of religious experience among
the Zulu which contributed to the growth of the charismatic movement. Indeed, Callaway,
records aspects of the initiation of traditional diviners which sound very
similar to speaking in tongues. These practices involved the composition of
"songs"[65]
many of which were "without any meaning."[66] Other evidence suggests the widespread
occurrence of "tongues speaking" within traditional Zulu society.[67]
There
is also increasing evidence for considerable culture contact between Black
South Africans and Blacks in the Americas going back to early in the nineteenth
century. The best discussion of this intriguing subject is to be found in David
B. Coplan's excellent study In Township Tonight! South Africa's Black City Music and Theatre.[68]
Although he does not explicitly develop the theme of religious contact he does
show that in music, at least, culture contact was complex and long standing.
Once freed of rationalist assumptions the missionary encounter with African religion and culture leads to a dynamic interaction which affects us all. It is this dynamic which has given birth to African Independent Churches and other charismatic movements worldwide. Thus, Henry Callaway deserves to be recognized as a pioneer in many fields, not least the creation of modern post-rationalist spirituality.
Footnotes
[1].Which
may be conveniently dated from the publication of William Carey's tract An
Enquiry into the Obligation of Christians to use Means for the Conversion of
the Heathen in 1792.
2.Max
Warren, Social History and Christian Mission, SCM Press, London, 1967,
p. 60.
3.A
full discussion of Smith's views are found in Warren, op. cit.
.4Although
I have been unable to find a respectable writer who propagates such ideas, this
description comes from many hours of discussion with students who hold this
type of view. They are
reflected in statements
made by the United Church of Canada, and the National Council of Churches in
America, cf. "Let's Play `CLUE': Columbus Did It, with Racism, in the
Americas. NCC's calls for repentance from European `sins," by Wend
Richardson, Religion & Democracy, Washington, March 1991.
.5I
am using the term "fundamentalist" in a general sense. Technically,
there were no fundamentalists before the publication of The Fundamentals,
Chicago, Testimony Publishing Company, n.d. (1910-1915).
.6.Frank
Peretti, This Present Darkness, Westchester, Crossway Books, 1986.
.7Josiah
Tyler, 40 Years Among the Zulus, Boston, Congregational Publishing
Society, 1891, p. 104.
8Charles
Pacalt Brownlee, Reminiscences of Kafir Life and History And Other Papers,
facsimile reproduction of the Second Edition (1916), Pietermaritzburg,
University of Natal Press, 1977, p. 222.
.9Charles
Pacalt Brownlee, 1977, p. 241.
.10.This
is not to say an exception cannot be found.
11The
basic rationalism shared by nineteenth century evangelicals is summed up in
B.B. Warfield's Counterfeit Miracles, Edinburgh, The Banner of Truth,
1976, first published 1918.
12.For
a collection of missionary comments on African religions in South Africa prior
to 1870 see Irving Hexham, ed., Texts On Zulu Religion, Lewiston, The
Edwin Mellen Press, 1987.
13This
summary of Callaway's life is taken from his biography. Cf. Marian S. Benham, Henry
Callaway: First Bishop for Kaffraria, London, Macmillan and Co., 1896.
14.Cited
by Marian S. Benham, p. 27. Although the biography is not particularly well
written it is the basic a source for information about Callaway and was used as
such in this essay. It contains many extended extracts from his personal
journals which, we are told, he maintained religiously from the age of 17.
Unfortunately, these invaluable sources appear to have been lost although
portions of them are also to be found in reports Callaway wrote for the United
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel which are available on microfilm.
15Henry
Callaway, Immediate Revelation Being a Brief View of the Dealings of God
with Man in all Ages, London, Harvey and Darton, 1841.
16Henry
Callaway, Nursery Tales, Traditions and Histories of the Zulus in their own
words, Springvale, John A. Blair, Springvale, 1868.
17Henry
Callaway, The Religious System of the Ama-Zulu, Springvale, Springvale
Mission Press, 1870.
18Henry
Callaway, Polygamy: A Bar to Admission to the Christian Church, Durban,
John O. Brown, 1822.
19Henry
Callaway, A Fragment on Comparative Religion, Privately published,
London, 1874. The complete text of this rare publication is reprinted in Irving
Hexham, editor, Texts on Zulu Religion: Traditional Zulu Ideas About God,
Lewiston, Edwin Mellen Press, 1987, pp. 400-449.
20Henry
Callaway, On the Religious Sentiment Amongst the Tribes of South Africa,
Private publication, Kokstad, 1876. The complete text of this rare publication
is reprinted in Irving Hexham, editor, Texts on Zulu Religion: Traditional
Zulu Ideas About God, Lewiston, Edwin Mellen Press, 1987, pp. 453-473.
21Henry
Callaway, The Good Tidings of Great Joy, London, Bell, 1954.
22Henry
Callaway, The Last Word of "Modern Thought," Springvale, John
A. Blair, 1866.
23Henry
Callaway, Some Remarks on the Zulu Language, Pietermaritzburg, P. Davis & Sons, 1970.
24Henry
Callaway, A Sermon on the Ordination of Two Natives, Pietermaritzburg,
P. Davis & Sons, 1872.
25Henry
Callaway, Kaffraria Church Mission, Privately published, 1874, Norwich,
26Henry
Callaway, Missionary Sermons, London, George Bell & Sons, 1875.
27Henry
Callaway, From Pondoland to Cape Town and Back, London, 1877.
28Henry
Callaway, A Brief Account of the Kaffraria Church Mission From 1874-1877,
Edinburgh 1877.
29Henry
Callaway, "Some Points of Correspondence between the Folk Lore of Central
Africa and that of the Kafirs and Chaldea," in The Cape Monthly
Magazine, March 1879, pp. 138-144.
30Henry
Callaway, "Some Problems in Mission Work," The Mission Chronicle
of the Scottish Episcopal Church, October, 1880, pp. 71-79.
31Benham,
1896.
32Benham,
1896, pp. 17-18.
33Benham,
1896, p. 18.
34Benham,
1896, pp. 18-19.
35Benham,
1896, pp. 22-23, 27 & 32.
36Benham,
1896, pp. 23, 27, 29, and 33.
37Benham,
1896, p. 31.
38Callaway,
1841, p. 78.
39Callaway,
1841, pp. 81-82.
40Callaway,
1874, p. 4.
41Benham,
1896, p. 22.
42Callaway,
1876, p. 4.
43Callaway,
1876, p. 5.
44Callaway,
1874, p. 21.
45Callaway,
1841, p. 24
46Callaway,
1941, p. 54.
47Callaway,
1841, p. 55.
48Callaway,
1841, p. 57.
49Callaway,
1841, p. 62.
50Callaway,
1875, p. 166.
51Callaway,
1875, p. 166-167.
52Callaway,
1875, p. 170.
53Callaway,
1866, p. 16.
54A
good example of this is found in his Missionary Sermons of 1875,
especially, the fifth sermon, pp. 91-113.
55Callaway,
1970, p. 252, note 95.
56Benham,
1896, p. 102.
57Benham,
1896, p. 152.
58Benham,
1896, p. 152.
59Cf.
Christopher Saunders, "Nehimiah Tile and the Thembu Church," in Journal
of African History, Vol 11, pp. 553-570.
60Cf.
Bengt Sundkler, Zulu Zion, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1975, p. 18.
61Sundkler,
1975, p. 18.
62Sundkler,
1975, p. 19.
63Sundkler,
1975, n.b. pp. 43-67.
64.Richard
Quebedeaux, The New Charismatics II, Cambridge, Harper & Row, 1983,
pp. 59-61, 67-72.
65Callaway,
1870, pp. 263 & 273.
66Callaway,
1870, pp. 59 & 413.
67Cf.
S.G. Lee, A Study of Crying, Hysteria and Dreaming in Zulu Women,
London, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1954, pp. 14-36.
68.David B. Coplan, In
Township Tonight! South Africa's Black City Music and Theatre,
Johannesburg, Ravan Press, 1985.
[1].Which
may be conveniently dated from the publication of William Carey's tract An
Enquiry into the Obligation of Christians to use Means for the Conversion of
the Heathen in 1792.
[4]Although I have
been unable to find a respectable writer who propagates such ideas, this
description comes from many hours of discussion with students who hold this
type of view. They are
reflected in statements
made by the United Church of Canada, and the National Council of Churches in
America, cf. "Let's Play `CLUE': Columbus Did It, with Racism, in the
Americas. NCC's calls for repentance from European `sins," by Wend
Richardson, Religion & Democracy, Washington, March 1991.
[5]I am using the
term "fundamentalist" in a general sense. Technically, there were no
fundamentalists before the publication of The Fundamentals, Chicago,
Testimony Publishing Company, n.d. (1910-1915).
[7].Josiah Tyler, 40
Years Among the Zulus, Boston, Congregational Publishing Society, 1891, p.
104.
[8]Charles Pacalt
Brownlee, Reminiscences of Kafir Life and History And Other Papers,
facsimile reproduction of the Second Edition (1916), Pietermaritzburg,
University of Natal Press, 1977, p. 222.
[11]The basic
rationalism shared by nineteenth century evangelicals is summed up in B.B.
Warfield's Counterfeit Miracles, Edinburgh, The Banner of Truth, 1976,
first published 1918.
[12].For a
collection of missionary comments on African religions in South Africa prior to
1870 see Irving Hexham, ed., Texts On Zulu Religion, Lewiston, The Edwin
Mellen Press, 1987.
[13]This
summary of Callaway's life is taken from his biography. Cf. Marian S. Benham, Henry
Callaway: First Bishop for Kaffraria, London, Macmillan and Co., 1896.
[14].Cited by Marian
S. Benham, p. 27. Although the biography is not particularly well written it is
the basic a source for information about Callaway and was used as such in this
essay. It contains many extended extracts from his personal journals which, we
are told, he maintained religiously from the age of 17. Unfortunately, these
invaluable sources appear to have been lost although portions of them are also
to be found in reports Callaway wrote for the United Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel which are available on microfilm.
[15]Henry Callaway, Immediate
Revelation Being a Brief View of the Dealings of God with Man in all Ages,
London, Harvey and Darton, 1841.
[16]Henry Callaway, Nursery
Tales, Traditions and Histories of the Zulus in their own words,
Springvale, John A. Blair, Springvale, 1868.
[17]Henry Callaway, The
Religious System of the Ama-Zulu, Springvale, Springvale Mission Press,
1870.
[18]Henry Callaway, Polygamy:
A Bar to Admission to the Christian Church, Durban, John O. Brown, 1822.
[19]Henry Callaway, A
Fragment on Comparative Religion, Privately published, London, 1874. The
complete text of this rare publication is reprinted in Irving Hexham, editor, Texts
on Zulu Religion: Traditional Zulu Ideas About God, Lewiston, Edwin Mellen
Press, 1987, pp. 400-449.
[20]Henry Callaway, On
the Religious Sentiment Amongst the Tribes of South Africa, Private
publication, Kokstad, 1876. The complete text of this rare publication is
reprinted in Irving Hexham, editor, Texts on Zulu Religion: Traditional Zulu
Ideas About God, Lewiston, Edwin Mellen Press, 1987, pp. 453-473.
[24]Henry Callaway, A
Sermon on the Ordination of Two Natives, Pietermaritzburg, P. Davis &
Sons, 1872.
[29]Henry Callaway,
"Some Points of Correspondence between the Folk Lore of Central Africa and
that of the Kafirs and Chaldea," in The Cape Monthly Magazine,
March 1879, pp. 138-144.
[30]Henry Callaway,
"Some Problems in Mission Work," The Mission Chronicle of the
Scottish Episcopal Church, October, 1880, pp. 71-79.
[54]A good example
of this is found in his Missionary Sermons of 1875, especially, the fifth
sermon, pp. 91-113.
[59]Cf. Christopher
Saunders, "Nehimiah Tile and the Thembu Church," in Journal of
African History, Vol 11, pp. 553-570.