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HENRY CALLAWAY, RELIGION, AND RATIONALISM

IN NINETEENTH CENTURY MISSION HISTORY

                                                                     BY

                                                       IRVING HEXHAM

                                                          Copyright 1994

[From: Missionsgeschichte Kirchengeschichte Weltgeschichte, edited by

Ulrich van der Heyden and Heike Liegau, Stuttagart, Franz Steiner Varlag, 1996:439-449]

 

INTRODUCTION:

Since the beginning of the modern missionary movement[1] missionaries have been scorned by polite and educated society.  As Max Warren points out, as early as 1808, the Anglican divine and essayist "Sidney Smith even queried whether a missionary could look a gentleman in the face."[2] To Smith missionaries were troublemakers drawn from the lower orders of society who simply disrupted the peace of Britain's Indian empire.[3] Today popular opinions about missionaries have not changed very much.  Ask any group of Canadian undergraduate students to describe their view of missionaries in the past and you will get an identikit descriptions something like this "nineteenth century missionaries were bigots who destroy native cultures. They were religious fanatics who supported imperialism and completely misunderstood the peoples among whom they lived. They preached a `gospel' which none of their hearers really understood although many people became `converts' because the missionaries were able to supply them with free food and other goods. They were fundamentalists who believed in the devil and demons. Therefore, instead of appreciating the good in other religions they rejected everything and forced people to abandon ancient traditions because they thought they were demonic. In short missionaries were unpleasant half-educated people tried to force Western religion and values on the rest of the world."[4]

 

What is intriguing about these views is that while most scholars do not share such simplistic ideas, particularly about imperialism, they often share the view that nineteenth century Christian missionaries were fundamentalists who saw non-Western cultures in demonic terms. Certainly, without studying the topic it is easy to assume that because they tended to come from the evangelical or High Church wing of Christianity nineteenth century missionaries were fundamentalists in outlook. It is also tempting to accept the idea that fundamentalists who accept the Bible as "the Word of God," and staunchly defend the historicity of miracles, the resurrection, and such doctrines as the virgin birth, also hold a strong demonology.

 

References by nineteenth century missionaries, fundamentalists[5] and evangelicals about the cosmic nature of salvation and the activity of the devil in leading souls astray leads one to assume that demons played an important role in missionary accounts of non-Christian cultures. It comes as a surprise, therefore, to discover that in general references to cosmic evil and the role of the devil in seducing mankind from the service of God do not automatically lead to belief in the immediate activity of demons in daily life. Instead the study of nineteenth century missionary literature, journals, and other records reveal a remarkably consistent rationalism when it comes to explaining the nature and origin of other religions. Unless this is recognized the full significance of Henry Callaway's work will not be understood.

 

Today, books like Frank Peretti's bestselling This Present Darkness[6] depict a cosmic struggle in which angels and devils actively intervene in human affairs. In this cosmology non-Christian religions arise out of the rebellion of Satan against God and are truly demonic. Reading a book like this makes it easy to mistakenly think that nineteenth century evangelicals missionaries would have held similar views. In fact they did not.

 

The uniform reaction of missionaries in nineteenth century South Africa is to describe African religions as "superstitions." African religions are roundly condemned by the missionaries but not because the believe in spiritual forces have created them. Rather, they see traditional beliefs as evidence of gross ignorance and social decline. The American missionary Joseph Tyler summed up the generally held view of his fellow missionaries when he wrote in his book 40 Years Among the Zulus which was published in 1891. Tyler writes "Zulu superstitions are legion..."[7]  Similarly, Charles Brownlee, a missionary to the Xhosa who later became a local magistrate, could write "During my first appointment with judicial authority over the Gaikas, I had a good many cases of witchcraft before me...In all cases I instituted an enquiry as to whether witchcraft really existed...Of course they failed in every instance to prove their case..."[8]

 

Later Brownlee also commented "[t]his is a matter which has perplexed missionary as well as Government officials. All regard the influence of superstition as an evil...the question has...been asked how the evil is to be dealt with and eradicated."[9] To this question he admitted he had no answer.

 

It is important to note that neither of these men appealed to a supernatural source to explain witchcraft and superstition. Neither, did any other missionary whom I have read. Usually,[10] nineteenth century missionaries in South Africa approached African beliefs and society as nineteenth century rationalists.  Whatever they may have preached about the origins of Christianity they all shared a common belief that the age of miracles was over and the world was governed by God's natural law.[11] As a result African religions, like all non-Christian religions,  were explained away as either the remnants of a lost faith of Jewish of Christian origin or simply superstition.[12] Henry Callaway, whose views will now be discussed, was a different. He did not condemn African religions as demonic, but neither did he think they were simply the result of ignorance.

 

HENRY CALLAWAY: MISSIONARY EXTRAORDINARY:

Henry Callaway was arguably the most remarkable missionary to work in Southern Africa during the nineteenth century. He was also one of the fathers of the modern Charismatic movement. Until recently the importance of his work has been completely overlooked by theologians and church historians.

 

Callaway was born in Lymington, Somerset, England, on the 17th. of January 1817 and died at Otterly St. Mary, Devonshire, England, on March 26th. 1890. The son of a bootmaker who eventually became a Customs and Excise official he was educated at Crediton Grammar School. When he was sixteen he became a school teacher in Heavitree where his headmaster was a Quaker. As a result of their interaction the young Callaway was attracted to the Society of Friends subsequently became the private tutor to a Quaker family in Shropshire.[13]

 

In 1837, following the death of his mother, he joined the Society of Friends.  At the same time he abandoned teaching to become an apprentice druggist in Bridgewater. While there he studied chemistry and medicine. In 1839 he moved to Tottenham where he became an assistant to a surgeon and in 1841 began to study medicine at St. Bartholemew's hospital, London, he qualified as a medical doctor 1844.

 

He began practicing medicine in London and married Ann Chalk in 1845.  Seven years later, in 1852, after the tragic death of their two children, he developed tuberculosis. On the advice of his doctor he went to France to regain his health. During this period he sought to resolve longstanding doubts about Quaker teachings by reading widely in theology. The effect was to convince him that the Quaker's were misguided in many things and clearly wrong in the understanding of the Christian ministry.  As a result he wrote in his journal on 12 December 1852, "I am no longer a Quaker."[14]

 

Returning to Britain in May 1853 he graduated with an M.D. from King's College, Aberdeen, joined the Anglican church, and offered himself for missionary service with the Natal Mission headed by Bishop Colenso. He was ordained deacon in Norwich Cathedral on August 13th. 1854 and travelled with Colenso to South Africa.

 

Three years later was ordained priest in Pietermaritzburg and the following year commissioned by Colenso to found a mission station. Springvale, near Richmond in Southern Natal. He remained there until 1873 when he was appointed the first missionary Bishop of the Anglican Diocese of Kaffraria which later became St. John's Diocese. Callaway moved to what is now the Transkei where he eventually established his headquarters in Umtata. After a period of intense missionary activity he had a stroke in 1880 eventually retiring to England in 1887 where he died at Ottery St. Mary in 1890.

 

During his long life Callaway was the author of a number of important books and articles. His earliest works, which arose out of his Quaker experience, included two theological works, Immediate Revelation (1841),[15] The Way to Christ (1844), which were written before he became an Anglican or a missionary.

 

Later he was responsible for translating most of the Bible (1883) and the Anglican Book of Common Prayer (1882) into Zulu and was a major collector of Zulu folk tales and history. He published these under the titles Nursery Tales, Traditions and Histories of the Zulus in their own words (1868),[16] and The Religious System of the AmaZulu (1870).[17]

 

On a more polemical note he attacked Bishop Colenso's views about polygamy in his book Polygamy: A Bar to Admission to the Christian Church (1862).[18] In this work he argued that while Colenso's views sounded compassionate when he pleaded for the toleration of polygamy among existing polygamists they were entirely theoretical and showed acquaintance with the practice in reality.

 

After become Bishop of Kaffiria he wrote a major pamphlet on missionary attitudes to African religions A Fragment on Comparative Religion (1874)[19] which he followed up two years later with On the Religious Sentiment Amongst the Tribes of South Africa (1876)[20] where he displayed a remarkable sympathy for African beliefs. His other South African publications include The Good Tidings of Great Joy (1854)[21], The Last Word of "Modern Thought" (1866)[22], Some Remarks on the Zulu Language (1870)[23], A Sermon on the Ordination of Two Natives (1872)[24], Kaffraria Church Mission (1874)[25], and Missionary Sermons (1875)[26], From Pondoland to Cape Town and Back (1877)[27], A Brief Account of the Kaffraria Church Mission From 1874-1877 (1877).[28]  In addition to these books and pamphlets Callaway published various articles including "Some Points of Correspondence between the Folk Lore of Central Africa and that of the Kafirs and Chaldea,"(1879),[29] and "Some Problems in Mission Work" (1880).[30]

 

CALLAWAY'S EARLY WRITINGS:

 

What is remarkable about Callaway's first three books is the emphasis he places on the work of the Holy Spirit and his strong conviction of the ever present reality of God's Spirit. Significantly his biographer Marian Benham,[31] the daughter of an Anglican vicar, only hints at these works emphasizing instead the break he made with the Quakers.

 

Yet a careful reading of the extracts Benham uses from Callaway's journal to explain why he left the Quakers reveals that his major objection to Quaker theology was not the appreciation of early members of the Society of Friends of direct communion with God through the Holy Spirit but the fact that he:

 

...came to the conclusion without the shadow of a doubt that God has ordained that they who preach the Gospel shall live of the Gospel!...This conclusion was, as it were, a striking away of the foundation of the ministry according to the opinion of Friends...I make this record to state it as my firm belief that through Quakerism my services as a minister of the Gospel have been lost...[32]

 

Yet having said this and after asking God to help him "become connected with some other Church..."[33] he went on to write:

 

I still believe, and most joyfully an consolingly lay hold of the truth; that God's Spirit is given to His ministers...that certain impressions on my mind were produced by the Holy Spirit...[34]

 

From this it becomes clear that, using modern terminology, Callaway found the Quakers to be too fundamentalist in the sense of being sectarian.[35] As a result he found in his reading of Calvin, Hooker and Anglican theology a wider appreciation of the work of the Spirit within the Church.[36] Yet, nowhere in his later writings does Callaway repudiate his earlier works.  What he does is to set his early views in the context of the larger Christian tradition where they take on a deeper meaning.

 

What he does is to interpret his return to Anglicanism as an affirmation of his earliest views which originated with his conversion:

 

My present views are more those of my first religious impressions; it really seems as if the life of those young days was renewed, as I again open my eyes to the light of the Holy Spirit which shines through, not independent of, the Scriptures...[37]

 

In other words Callaway felt that he was returning to an experiential reality which he had sought in the Quakers, but failed to find. Indeed, the very purpose he had in mind in writing his early books was to revive Quakerism by returning it to its roots in the experience of the Holy Spirit. In Immediate Revelation he had written:

 

George Fox was raised up in the seventeenth century...He was led by the belief, that man by wisdom cannot know God, nor call Jesus Lord but by the Holy Spirit...[38]

 

The reason for this, in God's providence, Callaway claimed was:

 

the early Friends were raised up to preach,...Christianity was a practical and not a national religion...they felt it was their duty to press after a realizing sense of the promises made by the Lord, through His ancient prophets, and by Christ himself, and which with the Scriptures abundantly testify to have been experience and enjoyed by the early church.  Believing, therefore, in the continuance of immediate and perceptible spiritual influence...[39]

 

As a result when Callaway's early books are read alongside his later writings it becomes quite clear that on issues like the work of the Holy Spirit in individual lives, God's revelatory powers, and the essential nature of religious experience he remained consistent throughout his adult life. Indeed his later writings make no sense without the earlier ones which lay the foundation upon which he predicated his view of religion. Callaway, recognized this and stressed the continuity of his ideas, when, speaking about the time before he became an Anglican, he wrote in his 1874 pamphlet, A Fragment on Comparative Religion:

 

about thirty years ago...I read the narrative of "Moffat's Missionary Labours in South Africa" and was startled by the statements I there found on the subject of the atheism of the natives of those parts...It was my belief at that time-a belief that all investigations since have most fully corroborated, there is no people so degraded or dark among which there does not shine some spark of religious light...[40]

 

CALLAWAY'S GLOBAL VIEW OF RELIGION:

From the time he began to question Quaker exclusiveness Callaway developed a toleration of other religious beliefs which led him first to accept Roman Catholics and then members of other religious traditions. While staying in Paris in October 1852 he wrote:

 

Let us not judge one another any more. I have my errors, the Roman Catholic has his...so I would trust that the same all-merciful and all knowing Lord will not allow the errors of education and prejudice, the deadening influence of an external formalism, to mar in any Roman Catholic brother the work of grace...[41]

 

Twenty-four years later he could say in connection with his sympathy for Zulu religion:

 

There may be great error in the religious system and its dogmata,-great superstition and follies taught by the priests, and set forth in his book and symbolized in his ritual; but they are the outcome not the cause of man's natural religion.[42]

 

And speaking about Zulu religion in particular he added:

 

I have had, now for many years, an opportunity for investigating this intensely interesting question "in remote and untraveled places,"-in converse with savage men, in daily very intimate association with them...From my own enquiries amongst the Zulus and natives of Natal, I conclude that the Kafirs manifest as distinctly as other people the existence of the religious sentiment...[43]

 

All of this was true because, as he had argued two years earlier in A Fragment on Comparative Religion:

 

The Church is God's messenger. But He has other messengers besides. There are still created things testifying,-still the law written in the hearts of men,-still the ever-present, ever-working Spirit of God...[44]

 

THE WORK OF GOD'S HOLY SPIRIT:

 

Callaway's view, that God is at work among all peoples, was squarely based on his belief in the reality of the Holy Spirit and God's active work in individual lives. Was first developed in terms of his highly charismatic understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit found in his 1841 publication Immediate Revelation where he writes that among the ancient Hebrews:

 

people were not excluded from immediate communication with the Lord, but visions, dreams, and direct intimations from the Holy Spirit were appointed to teach individuals...[45]

 

Later, commenting on Acts 2.37-38, he applied his understanding of continuing revelatory experiences to the Christian church:

 

If any language is capable of proving that the gift of the Spirit, was to continue with the church of Christ for ever, that language is before us...[46]...the Holy Spirit was poured out not only on the day of Pentecost on the apostles, but on the believing Gentiles, and also on others...[47]...The reception of the Holy Spirit was the seal of discipleship[48]

 

Explaining what this meant in practice, Callaway explained:

 

To the apostles and prophets, by whom the Gospel was preached, the Holy Spirit was the primary guide to truth...The revelations which were made to the apostles did not annul those which the Holy Spirit had given to others...[49]

 

Thus because Callaway believed that the Holy Spirit is an ever present reality in the life of the Christian he was prepared to accept the validity of religious experiences, such as dreams and visions, normally scorned by other missionaries. At this point it is vital to realize that Callaway did not limit such experiences to the past, nor to his own experience among the Quakers. Rather, preaching to prospective missionaries at Canterbury in 1875 the chose the text:

 

                                              Isaiah vi, 8

"I have heard the voice of the Lord, saying, `whom shall I send, and who will go for us?' Then said I, `Here am I; send me."

 

But, instead of using this text, like many missionaries to appeal for new workers, Callaway concentrated on the experience of the vision of God telling them:

 

Let us not imagine that Isaiah's vision was something unique, - something for him alone, - something too high and holy and wonderful and supernatural to be thus spoken of; something that happened in times of long ago, but which it is unreasonable to expect now, in these days of a completed canon of revelation, and a more perfectly organized Church.[50]

 

Rather, he told his hearers:

 

The day of Christ is that of special an abiding presence and outpouring of the Holy Ghost upon man...[51]

 

Later in the same sermon he adds:

 

Now it is just an experience of this kind which is the most effectual preparation for qualifying any of us to become ministers and messengers of the Gospel.[52]

 

Callaway repeatedly makes it very clear that his belief in God's present reality was based on his own experience. Writing in his tract The Last Word of "Modern Thought" in 1866 he had said:

 

He who has once known God in his heart of hearts,-who has fed to his soul's refreshing on the Bread of life,-can less easily doubt that God is with them, and that Christ is in his life, that he himself has no existence and that the great universe is a silent blank of desolation and death[53]

 

HENRY CALLAWAY'S REJECTION OF RATIONALISM:

 

Callaway's views about the working of the Holy Spirit in individual lives naturally led him to appreciate the religious experience of his converts which he often commented on in his writings.[54] At the same time his interest in folklore led him to encourage Africans to recount their religious experiences whatever they might be. As a result when he recorded examples of "dreams" in his The Religious System of the AmaZulu he included examples of the effect of dreams on both non-Christian and Christian Zulu.

 

Commenting on the way African Christians experienced the supernatural through dreams Callaway wrote:

 

The reader will see repeated in these narrations the experiences of St Antony, Hilarion, and other early saints.[55]

 

This judgment on African Christian spirituality fitted well with his missionary approach which began by approaching non-Christians by approaching the African from within his own tradition.  Callaway writes:

 

There is so broad a gulf between the heathen Kaffir and the Christian mode of thought that it requires the utmost patience and tact to gain his ear...But speak to him from `prophets of his own'- show him that underneath their tradition there is a wonderful substratum of truth-show that their own ancients knew more...you are then meeting them on there own ground...[56]

 

In taking this approach he recognized that what he did and taught would be re-interpreted by Africans in their own ways commenting:

 

It is a curious psychological study to see into what strange combinations they place the new thoughts [with] their old notions...[57]

 

Therefore, Callaway acknowledged that for missionaries to be successful they must:

 

            ...teach them the Gospel of which he is the professed minister in intelligible and proper language, free from Anglicisms or an English mode of thought in Zulu garb.  And in the matter of prayer especially, let him study the Zulu language and the Zulu mind...[58]

 

CONCLUSION

Henry Callaway left South Africa in 1887 the five years after Nehemiah Tile seceded from Methodism to found the Tembu National Church.[59] Unfortunately, we have no record of Callaway's reaction to this event.  What we do know is that a few years later a Dutch Reformed missionary, Petrus Louis Le Roux (1864-19  ) who had thoroughly mastered the Zulu language[60] developed an interest in spiritual healing during the 1890's through the influence of Andrew Murray (1828-1916)[61] which he began to spread among his Zulu congregation.[62] To cut a long story short Sundkler argues that this interest and Le Roux's teachings stimulated both the growth of African Independent Churches and Pentecostalism in South Africa.[63]  Eighty years later another South African, David du Plessis, spread the Pentecostal experience to American Roman Catholics thus beginning the Charismatic revival of the 1960's.[64]

 

While the influence of du Plessis on American religion generally accepted what is not recognized, nor even researched, is the possibility of earlier charismatic influences on Americans, especially Blacks, from Southern Africa in the nineteenth century. The impression given in Sundkler's book is that both African Independent Churches and South African Pentecostalism grew out of religious movements in the 1880's and 1890's which had both South African and American roots. Todate no one has explored the possibility that charismatic movements existed among Black converts prior to the 1880's or that these might have been spread to America, Europe and other regions before the Azuza Street revival of 1906. Yet it is precisely this conclusion which the evidence suggests.

 

Outrageous as this thesis may sound there is considerable circumstantial evidence to support the idea. From Henry Callaway's writings it is clear that his approach to missionary work encouraged just those aspects of religious experience among the Zulu which contributed to the growth of the charismatic movement. Indeed, Callaway, records aspects of the initiation of traditional diviners which sound very similar to speaking in tongues. These practices involved the composition of "songs"[65] many of which were "without any meaning."[66]  Other evidence suggests the widespread occurrence of "tongues speaking" within traditional Zulu society.[67]

 

There is also increasing evidence for considerable culture contact between Black South Africans and Blacks in the Americas going back to early in the nineteenth century. The best discussion of this intriguing subject is to be found in David B. Coplan's excellent study In Township Tonight!  South Africa's Black City Music and Theatre.[68] Although he does not explicitly develop the theme of religious contact he does show that in music, at least, culture contact was complex and long standing.

 

Once freed of rationalist assumptions the missionary encounter with African religion and culture leads to a dynamic interaction which affects us all. It is this dynamic which has given birth to African Independent Churches and other charismatic movements worldwide. Thus, Henry Callaway deserves to be recognized as a pioneer in many fields, not least the creation of modern post-rationalist spirituality.

 

Footnotes

 

      [1].Which may be conveniently dated from the publication of William Carey's tract An Enquiry into the Obligation of Christians to use Means for the Conversion of the Heathen in 1792.

 

     2.Max Warren, Social History and Christian Mission, SCM Press, London, 1967, p. 60.

 

     3.A full discussion of Smith's views are found in Warren, op. cit.

 

     .4Although I have been unable to find a respectable writer who propagates such ideas, this description comes from many hours of discussion with students who hold this type of view. They are

 

reflected in statements made by the United Church of Canada, and the National Council of Churches in America, cf. "Let's Play `CLUE': Columbus Did It, with Racism, in the Americas. NCC's calls for repentance from European `sins," by Wend Richardson, Religion & Democracy, Washington, March 1991.

     .5I am using the term "fundamentalist" in a general sense. Technically, there were no fundamentalists before the publication of The Fundamentals, Chicago, Testimony Publishing Company, n.d. (1910-1915).

     .6.Frank Peretti, This Present Darkness, Westchester, Crossway Books, 1986.

 

     .7Josiah Tyler, 40 Years Among the Zulus, Boston, Congregational Publishing Society, 1891, p. 104.

 

     8Charles Pacalt Brownlee, Reminiscences of Kafir Life and History And Other Papers, facsimile reproduction of the Second Edition (1916), Pietermaritzburg, University of Natal Press, 1977, p. 222.

 

     .9Charles Pacalt Brownlee, 1977, p. 241.

 

     .10.This is not to say an exception cannot be found.

     11The basic rationalism shared by nineteenth century evangelicals is summed up in B.B. Warfield's Counterfeit Miracles, Edinburgh, The Banner of Truth, 1976, first published 1918.

     12.For a collection of missionary comments on African religions in South Africa prior to 1870 see Irving Hexham, ed., Texts On Zulu Religion, Lewiston, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1987.

 

     13This summary of Callaway's life is taken from his biography. Cf. Marian S. Benham, Henry Callaway: First Bishop for Kaffraria, London, Macmillan and Co., 1896.

     14.Cited by Marian S. Benham, p. 27. Although the biography is not particularly well written it is the basic a source for information about Callaway and was used as such in this essay. It contains many extended extracts from his personal journals which, we are told, he maintained religiously from the age of 17. Unfortunately, these invaluable sources appear to have been lost although portions of them are also to be found in reports Callaway wrote for the United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel which are available on microfilm.

 

     15Henry Callaway, Immediate Revelation Being a Brief View of the Dealings of God with Man in all Ages, London, Harvey and Darton, 1841.

 

     16Henry Callaway, Nursery Tales, Traditions and Histories of the Zulus in their own words, Springvale, John A. Blair, Springvale, 1868.

 

     17Henry Callaway, The Religious System of the Ama-Zulu, Springvale, Springvale Mission Press, 1870.

 

     18Henry Callaway, Polygamy: A Bar to Admission to the Christian Church, Durban, John O. Brown, 1822.

 

     19Henry Callaway, A Fragment on Comparative Religion, Privately published, London, 1874. The complete text of this rare publication is reprinted in Irving Hexham, editor, Texts on Zulu Religion: Traditional Zulu Ideas About God, Lewiston, Edwin Mellen Press, 1987, pp. 400-449.

 

     20Henry Callaway, On the Religious Sentiment Amongst the Tribes of South Africa, Private publication, Kokstad, 1876. The complete text of this rare publication is reprinted in Irving Hexham, editor, Texts on Zulu Religion: Traditional Zulu Ideas About God, Lewiston, Edwin Mellen Press, 1987, pp. 453-473.

 

     21Henry Callaway, The Good Tidings of Great Joy, London, Bell, 1954.

 

     22Henry Callaway, The Last Word of "Modern Thought," Springvale, John A. Blair, 1866.

 

     23Henry Callaway, Some Remarks on the Zulu Language,  Pietermaritzburg, P. Davis & Sons, 1970.

 

     24Henry Callaway, A Sermon on the Ordination of Two Natives, Pietermaritzburg, P. Davis & Sons, 1872.

 

     25Henry Callaway, Kaffraria Church Mission, Privately published, 1874, Norwich,

 

     26Henry Callaway, Missionary Sermons, London, George Bell & Sons, 1875.

 

     27Henry Callaway, From Pondoland to Cape Town and Back, London, 1877.

 

     28Henry Callaway, A Brief Account of the Kaffraria Church Mission From 1874-1877, Edinburgh 1877.

 

     29Henry Callaway, "Some Points of Correspondence between the Folk Lore of Central Africa and that of the Kafirs and Chaldea," in The Cape Monthly Magazine, March 1879, pp. 138-144.

 

     30Henry Callaway, "Some Problems in Mission Work," The Mission Chronicle of the Scottish Episcopal Church, October, 1880, pp. 71-79.

 

     31Benham, 1896.

 

     32Benham, 1896, pp. 17-18.

 

     33Benham, 1896, p. 18.

 

     34Benham, 1896, pp. 18-19.

 

     35Benham, 1896, pp. 22-23, 27 & 32.

 

     36Benham, 1896, pp. 23, 27, 29, and 33.

 

     37Benham, 1896, p. 31.

 

     38Callaway, 1841, p. 78.

 

     39Callaway, 1841, pp. 81-82.

 

     40Callaway, 1874, p. 4.

 

     41Benham, 1896, p. 22.

 

     42Callaway, 1876, p. 4.

 

     43Callaway, 1876, p. 5.

 

     44Callaway, 1874, p. 21.

 

     45Callaway, 1841, p. 24

 

     46Callaway, 1941, p. 54.

 

     47Callaway, 1841, p. 55.

 

     48Callaway, 1841, p. 57.

 

     49Callaway, 1841, p. 62.

 

     50Callaway, 1875, p. 166.

 

     51Callaway, 1875, p. 166-167.

 

     52Callaway, 1875, p. 170.

 

     53Callaway, 1866, p. 16.

 

     54A good example of this is found in his Missionary Sermons of 1875, especially, the fifth sermon, pp. 91-113.

 

     55Callaway, 1970, p. 252, note 95.

 

     56Benham, 1896, p. 102.

 

     57Benham, 1896, p. 152.

 

    58Benham, 1896, p. 152.

 

     59Cf. Christopher Saunders, "Nehimiah Tile and the Thembu Church," in Journal of African History, Vol 11, pp. 553-570.

 

     60Cf. Bengt Sundkler, Zulu Zion, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1975, p. 18.

 

     61Sundkler, 1975, p. 18.

 

     62Sundkler, 1975, p. 19.

 

     63Sundkler, 1975, n.b. pp. 43-67.

 

     64.Richard Quebedeaux, The New Charismatics II, Cambridge, Harper & Row, 1983, pp. 59-61, 67-72.

 

     65Callaway, 1870, pp. 263 & 273.

 

     66Callaway, 1870, pp. 59 & 413.

 

     67Cf. S.G. Lee, A Study of Crying, Hysteria and Dreaming in Zulu Women, London, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1954, pp. 14-36.

 

     68.David B. Coplan, In Township Tonight! South Africa's Black City Music and Theatre, Johannesburg, Ravan Press, 1985.



      [1].Which may be conveniently dated from the publication of William Carey's tract An Enquiry into the Obligation of Christians to use Means for the Conversion of the Heathen in 1792.

 

     [2].Max Warren, Social History and Christian Mission, SCM Press, London, 1967, p. 60.

 

     [3].A full discussion of Smith's views are found in Warren, op. cit.

 

     [4]Although I have been unable to find a respectable writer who propagates such ideas, this description comes from many hours of discussion with students who hold this type of view. They are

reflected in statements made by the United Church of Canada, and the National Council of Churches in America, cf. "Let's Play `CLUE': Columbus Did It, with Racism, in the Americas. NCC's calls for repentance from European `sins," by Wend Richardson, Religion & Democracy, Washington, March 1991.

     [5]I am using the term "fundamentalist" in a general sense. Technically, there were no fundamentalists before the publication of The Fundamentals, Chicago, Testimony Publishing Company, n.d. (1910-1915).

     [6].Frank Peretti, This Present Darkness, Westchester, Crossway Books, 1986.

 

     [7].Josiah Tyler, 40 Years Among the Zulus, Boston, Congregational Publishing Society, 1891, p. 104.

 

     [8]Charles Pacalt Brownlee, Reminiscences of Kafir Life and History And Other Papers, facsimile reproduction of the Second Edition (1916), Pietermaritzburg, University of Natal Press, 1977, p. 222.

 

     [9].     Charles Pacalt Brownlee, 1977, p. 241.

 

     [10].This is not to say an exception cannot be found.

 

     [11]The basic rationalism shared by nineteenth century evangelicals is summed up in B.B. Warfield's Counterfeit Miracles, Edinburgh, The Banner of Truth, 1976, first published 1918.

     [12].For a collection of missionary comments on African religions in South Africa prior to 1870 see Irving Hexham, ed., Texts On Zulu Religion, Lewiston, The Edwin Mellen Press, 1987.

 

     [13]This summary of Callaway's life is taken from his biography. Cf. Marian S. Benham, Henry Callaway: First Bishop for Kaffraria, London, Macmillan and Co., 1896.

     [14].Cited by Marian S. Benham, p. 27. Although the biography is not particularly well written it is the basic a source for information about Callaway and was used as such in this essay. It contains many extended extracts from his personal journals which, we are told, he maintained religiously from the age of 17. Unfortunately, these invaluable sources appear to have been lost although portions of them are also to be found in reports Callaway wrote for the United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel which are available on microfilm.

 

     [15]Henry Callaway, Immediate Revelation Being a Brief View of the Dealings of God with Man in all Ages, London, Harvey and Darton, 1841.

 

     [16]Henry Callaway, Nursery Tales, Traditions and Histories of the Zulus in their own words, Springvale, John A. Blair, Springvale, 1868.

 

     [17]Henry Callaway, The Religious System of the Ama-Zulu, Springvale, Springvale Mission Press, 1870.

 

     [18]Henry Callaway, Polygamy: A Bar to Admission to the Christian Church, Durban, John O. Brown, 1822.

 

     [19]Henry Callaway, A Fragment on Comparative Religion, Privately published, London, 1874. The complete text of this rare publication is reprinted in Irving Hexham, editor, Texts on Zulu Religion: Traditional Zulu Ideas About God, Lewiston, Edwin Mellen Press, 1987, pp. 400-449.

 

     [20]Henry Callaway, On the Religious Sentiment Amongst the Tribes of South Africa, Private publication, Kokstad, 1876. The complete text of this rare publication is reprinted in Irving Hexham, editor, Texts on Zulu Religion: Traditional Zulu Ideas About God, Lewiston, Edwin Mellen Press, 1987, pp. 453-473.

 

     [21]Henry Callaway, The Good Tidings of Great Joy, London, Bell, 1954.

 

     [22].     Henry Callaway, The Last Word of "Modern Thought," Springvale, John A. Blair, 1866.

 

     [23]Henry Callaway, Some Remarks on the Zulu Language,  Pietermaritzburg, P. Davis & Sons, 1970.

 

     [24]Henry Callaway, A Sermon on the Ordination of Two Natives, Pietermaritzburg, P. Davis & Sons, 1872.

 

     [25]Henry Callaway, Kaffraria Church Mission, Privately published, 1874, Norwich,

 

     [26]Henry Callaway, Missionary Sermons, London, George Bell & Sons, 1875.

 

     [27]Henry Callaway, From Pondoland to Cape Town and Back, London, 1877.

 

     [28]Henry Callaway, A Brief Account of the Kaffraria Church Mission From 1874-1877, Edinburgh 1877.

 

     [29]Henry Callaway, "Some Points of Correspondence between the Folk Lore of Central Africa and that of the Kafirs and Chaldea," in The Cape Monthly Magazine, March 1879, pp. 138-144.

 

     [30]Henry Callaway, "Some Problems in Mission Work," The Mission Chronicle of the Scottish Episcopal Church, October, 1880, pp. 71-79.

 

     [31]Benham, 1896.

 

     [32]Benham, 1896, pp. 17-18.

 

     [33]Benham, 1896, p. 18.

 

     [34]Benham, 1896, pp. 18-19.

 

     [35]Benham, 1896, pp. 22-23, 27 & 32.

 

     [36]Benham, 1896, pp. 23, 27, 29, and 33.

 

     [37]Benham, 1896, p. 31.

 

     [38]Callaway, 1841, p. 78.

 

     [39]Callaway, 1841, pp. 81-82.

 

     [40]Callaway, 1874, p. 4.

 

     [41]Benham, 1896, p. 22.

 

     [42]Callaway, 1876, p. 4.

 

     [43]Callaway, 1876, p. 5.

 

     [44]Callaway, 1874, p. 21.

 

     [45]Callaway, 1841, p. 24

 

     [46]Callaway, 1941, p. 54.

 

     [47]Callaway, 1841, p. 55.

 

     [48]Callaway, 1841, p. 57.

 

     [49]Callaway, 1841, p. 62.

 

     [50]Callaway, 1875, p. 166.

 

     [51]Callaway, 1875, p. 166-167.

 

     [52]Callaway, 1875, p. 170.

 

     [53]Callaway, 1866, p. 16.

 

     [54]A good example of this is found in his Missionary Sermons of 1875, especially, the fifth sermon, pp. 91-113.

 

     [55]Callaway, 1970, p. 252, note 95.

 

     [56]Benham, 1896, p. 102.

 

     [57]Benham, 1896, p. 152.

 

     [58]Benham, 1896, p. 152.

 

     [59]Cf. Christopher Saunders, "Nehimiah Tile and the Thembu Church," in Journal of African History, Vol 11, pp. 553-570.

 

     [60]Cf. Bengt Sundkler, Zulu Zion, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1975, p. 18.

 

     [61]Sundkler, 1975, p. 18.

 

     [62]Sundkler, 1975, p. 19.

 

     [63]Sundkler, 1975, n.b. pp. 43-67.

 

     [64].Richard Quebedeaux, The New Charismatics II, Cambridge, Harper & Row, 1983, pp. 59-61, 67-72.

 

     [65]Callaway, 1870, pp. 263 & 273.

 

     [66]Callaway, 1870, pp. 59 & 413.

 

     [67]Cf. S.G. Lee, A Study of Crying, Hysteria and Dreaming in Zulu Women, London, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1954, pp. 14-36.

 

     [68].David B. Coplan, In Township Tonight! South Africa's Black City Music and Theatre, Johannesburg, Ravan Press, 1985.